Chiriguano

Silvia María Hirsch

Ava (Guaraní)

The name “Chiriguano,” is of foreign origin, most commonly believed to be of Quechuan derivation. A more probable explanation, however, is that this term refers to the mixed ethnic origin of the Chiriguano. Historically, the Chiriguano referred to themselves as “Ava” (people), as do many Guaraní-speaking groups throughout the region.

Before the Conquest, the Chiriguano occupied a vast territory that ranged from the upper Río Pilcomayo to the upper Río Grande in Bolivia. Presently, the Chiriguano are settled in dozens of communities in the foothills of the Bolivian Andes, in the Izozo region of Bolivia, and in several communities near the city of Santa Cruz. Since the beginning of the twentieth century—and particularly during the Chaco War (1932-1935)—other groups have settled in western Paraguay (where they prefer to becalled the Guaraní Occidental, i.e. Western Guaraní), and in the provinces of Salta and Jujuy in northwestern Argentina (where they are officially known as the Ava Guaraní). The Chiriguano in Bolivia (collectively called “Guaraní”) are divided into two major groups: the Ava, who live along the foothills where the Andes meet the Gran Chaco in the southeast of the country; and the Izoceño, who inhabit the Izozo subregion toward the north and are considered to have a greater Chané influence in their culture. Minor groups include the traditional Simba, who inhabit a small area of the Bolivian foothills to the southwest of the Ava, and the “Chané” of Argentina, who are fully Guaranized.

In the eighteenth century the total Chiriguano population was between 100,000 and 200,000. During the nineteenth century estimates were slightly under 50,000. In the early 1990s in Bolivia the number of Chiriguano was estimated at 22,000 (Ava, Simba and Izoceño), in Argentina at about 21,000, and in Paraguay at approximately 3,000. In official censuses two decades later there were somewhat over 118,000 in the three countries: 96,842 Guaraní (Chiriguano) in Bolivia in 2012, 17,899 Ava Guaraní in Argentina in 2010, and 3,587 Guaraní Occidental in Paraguay in 2012.

The Chiriguano language belongs to the Tupí-Guaraní Family. All ethnic subgroups (Ava, Izoceño, Chané, Simba) speak the same language with slight differences in pronunciation and vocabulary.

The Chiriguano have been subjected to concerted efforts at religious conversion since colonial times. Jesuits and then the Franciscans established missions throughout Chiriguano territory. At first the Chiriguano burned the missions, but eventually the Franciscans were successful in establishing a vast network of mission stations that lumped native groups together, instituted schools, and promoted agricultural production. In the nineteenth century (as a result of the political and economic situation in Bolivia), the missions underwent a period of economic and organizational crises and finally collapsed. In 1892 the last great indigenous uprising took place, conducted by a Chiriguano known as Apiaguaiqui Tumpa, who was believed to possess supernatural power. He decided to fight against the settlers and restore a traditional Chiriguano lifestyle, but the local government sent in troops from Santa Cruz de la Sierra, Apiaguaiqui was killed, and the uprising was suppressed.

The Chiriguano are the descendants of Guaraní people who migrated from Brazil, and of the Chané, an Arawakan group. The Guaraní initiated a series of massive migrations that are known to have begun at the end of the fifteenth century. These migrations, driven by the desire to acquire metal objects and by messianic motives (the search for a mythical “land without evil”), also were propelled by internal conflict. Upon entering present-day Bolivian territory, the Guaraní encountered the peaceful Chané. They reduced them to slavery, took their wives, and thus initiated a process of intermarriage. The people created through the merging of the Guaraní and Chané came to be called the Chiriguano. They were fierce warriors who conquered other ethnic groups and were not subjugated by the Inca Empire. Their relations with the Spanish and the Creoles were marked by warfare and uprisings, some characterized by their messianic tradition. Encounters with Whites led to a drastic decimation of the population through warfare, slavery, and disease. Many Chiriguano were employed by White settlers on their large estates.

In pre- and early-contact times, the Chiriguano lived in villages along rivers. Each settlement was formed by one or severalmalocas(communal long houses), which could be inhabited by up to 300 people. Population density was high; villages ranged from 50 to up to 1,000 inhabitants. Towns had a large central plaza used for religious festivities and assemblies. The influence of Chané culture and contact with missionaries and Whites changed the housing pattern to small-household, extended-family units. The traditional Chiriguano house was of wattle-and-daub construction, with a pitched roof of thatch reeds or poles. A storehouse for maize and other crops was built on piles near the dwelling. The same type of construction continues to exist alongside houses made of adobe brick and zinc roofs. Each village features a small primary school, a dispensary, and a grocery cooperative or several small grocery stores. In most Chiriguano villages there is neither running water nor electricity. Chiriguano communities have few mestizo inhabitants. Although permitted, intermarriage with Whites and mestizos is infrequent.

The Chiriguano traditionally were horticulturists and hunter-gatherers. They incorporated new methods of cultivation from the Chané. The Ava are settled in a rich agricultural area, although water is scarce. The Izoceño inhabit an arid region of the Gran Chaco, where strong winds, erosion, and a lack of water hinder agricultural production. The former inhabitants of the region, the Chané, developed a system of irrigation, digging canals up to five kilometers long from river to fields, thus providing a source of water to improve productivity. The Chiriguano practice swidden agriculture and complement their diet with fishing during the rainy season, and by hunting. Fruit collecting, which was an important source of food, has diminished in certain communities as a result of cultural and ecological changes. The most important crops are maize, beans, and squash, constituting the basis of the Chiriguano diet. Other plants, such as sweet potatoes and manioc, complement the diet. Vegetables such as tomatoes, cabbage, lettuce, and onions were introduced through contact with missionaries, White settlers, and development agencies. The Chiriguano also raise chickens, turkeys, sheep, and goats.

Since the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Chiriguano have migrated in search of work they could not find in their homeland. Hundreds of Chiriguano families migrated to northern Argentina to work on farms and sugarcane plantations. This migration, which constitutes an important aspect of their society, has produced numerous changes in the culture. Due to economic crises in Argentina, the Chiriguano have come to migrate instead to the cotton and sugarcane harvest near Santa Cruz de la Sierra, to northern Bolivia for work in the timber mills, and, by the end of the twentieth century, to conservation jobs or oilfields in or around Santa Cruz de la Sierra. These temporary migrations, which in some cases last up to six months, have produced a deterioration in local agricultural production. Nongovernmental development agencies have been implementing development projects to revitalize agriculture and allow people to obtain a source of income in their communities without having to migrate or depend uponpatrones(employers).

Aboriginal crafts included basket weaving, pottery, and loom weaving. The weaving of fishing nets and bags persists, and loom-woven hammocks, ponchos, and handbags constitute an important source of income for many women. Chiriguano weaving, especially that in the Izozo region, is renowned for its quality and designs.

Precolonial trade was maintained between the Chiriguano and other ethnic groups. During the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the Chané served as intermediaries to the Guaraní, trading metal objects made in the highlands. Trade continued to take place between different groups until the 1940s. The Izoceño would trade their weavings to the Ava in exchange for maize. Cheese and salt were important trade goods.

Women attend to household chores; in the fields they do the harvesting and planting of beans, squash, and watermelon. Men are responsible for hunting, fishing (women also participate in fishing but to a smaller degree), and the clearing, burning, and planting of the fields. Women prepare food, raise the children, and weave. In some Ava communities women participate more actively in agricultural tasks. When a Chiriguano family migrates, the men and the male children work the fields. Women usually stay at home, engaging in household activities.

Chiriguano territory was reduced after European contact, and there has been continuous conflict over the right to obtain title to their lands. The Chiriguano have gone to the capital of Bolivia in epic treks, hoping to compel officials to initiate the paperwork. Land titles were obtained for some communities; the agrarian reform of 1952 helped to some degree, but it has been manipulated and incorrectly implemented. This, together with difficult ecological conditions and reduced access to roads and transportation, has caused the Chiriguano to lose some of their best land. Most Izoceño communities have obtained communal land titles, whereas the Ava and Simba communities are still struggling with government bureaucracies. In northern Argentina most communities are under the jurisdiction of the missions and are involved in obtaining land titles.

Chiriguano society was based on the principle of an exogamous patrilineage living in amaloca(longhouse, and the smallest settlement unit). Each lineage held and allocated lands, maintained a system of alliances, regulated marriage, established reciprocity, and controlled conflict among lineage members. After colonial times, uxorilocality replaced virilocality; patrilineality was maintained, and villages continued to be comprised of extended-family groups.

Kinship terminology is of the Hawaiian type.

In the traditional marriage system, members of the mother's and father's lineages were forbidden as marriage partners. Marriages were monogamous, with the exception of two leaders who had the right to several wives. Up to the beginning of the twentieth century, for a man to be accepted by a woman he had to leave firewood log in front of her house. If she accepted him she would take the log into the house; if not, she would not touch the firewood. A welcomed suitor had to talk with the woman's parents, and provide them with game and agricultural produce. Uxorilocal residence was preferred; the young couple would build their house near that of the bride's parents. Nowadays, there is no specified residence pattern, marriage is by mutual accord of the couple, and divorce is common.

Extended families in three-generation households are common.

In the 1980s, property passed to all sons and daughters. A will was written with specific instructions as to the inheritance of property and possessions. Preference was given to the last-born child.

Children are raised permissively. Both parents participate actively in the raising of the children, as do the members of the extended-family group. Grandparents play an important role in the upbringing of children. Overt and direct expressions of hostility and aggression are discouraged. Children are rarely beaten. Children are attaining a higher level of education than that of their parents and are learning to speak Spanish as a second language with a greater degree of fluency.

Chiriguano society was organized on the basis of themaloca(communal long house), followed by thetenda(village) and theguara(a group of villages). Each local group was a homogenous entity with no internal division, but there was specialization by sex, age, and kinship position. Some groups were wealthier and more powerful than others. Themalocawas under the authority of a head of household or family group. Chiriguano society conferred status on a group of men known as thequeremba, who were specialized warriors. They enjoyed greater privileges and prestige, as did shamans and leaders. As a rule, they did not participate in political affairs. Although some women are known to have been leaders, women in general were preoccupied with household and economic activities. Institutionalized slavery began with the domination of the Chané.

Chiriguano society continues to maintain a strong political organization based on the traditional system. Single Chiriguano towns were under the leadership of amburuvichaortubicha(chief), whereas a group of several villages was governed by amburuvicha guasuortubicha mburuvicha(paramount chief). The notable characteristic of this system is that the chiefs do not have coercive powers: they cannot give orders, make decisions, or compel people to obey. Instead, all the men of the village or group of villages must take decisions together in an assembly. The principal role of the chief was as conflict mediator, distributor of gifts, and persuasive orator. The modern political system of the Chiriguano is known as thecapitania(captaincy). Thecapitaniais a well-structured organization, composed of chiefs, advisers, and mayors. Chiriguano chiefs must acquiesce to the demands of the people, and they are celebrated in Chiriguano history for their struggle to obtain land titles and other benefits for the communities. The position of themburuvicha guasuis patrilineally inherited. The local chiefs are democratically elected by the community. If a chief does not fulfill his obligations, he may be discharged from his position.

Gossip, ostracism, social withdrawal, and eschewing face-to-face conflict have always been important forms of social control. Witchcraft continues to be practiced in Chiriguano society, and fear of witchcraft remains a powerful form of social control. The political organization of the Chiriguano acts as a judicial system, trying cases and applying sanctions for all but major infractions (e.g. gossip, invasion of lands, robbery); federal courts intervene in cases such as homicides.

The major source of conflict in Chiriguano society has been their relations with White settlers. Some Chiriguano joined the missions and others worked for the White settlers, but another group waged a continuous war. Conflicts over land as well as labor exploitation persist. The advancement of evangelical sects in Chiriguano communities since the beginning of the nineteenth century has created tensions with Catholics who want to maintain traditional beliefs and religious festivities, and support the shamans. Conflicts regarding traditional practices and political matters are frequent.

Native beliefs in zootheistic deities were guided by a deep faith in supernatural forces. Despite the persistence of Christian missionaries, the Chiriguano hold onto the basic tenets of their traditional beliefs; nevertheless, because of early missionization they do acknowledge a principal creator God. The traditional Chiriguano pantheon includes numerous spirit beings of various kinds. Spirits are believed to have created the world and to be the guardians of plants, animals, rivers, stars, etc. Evangelical sects exert a profound influence, replacing some traditional beliefs, yet the Chiriguano have maintained their large corpus of myths and folklore.

Historically, Chiriguano shamans were known to be powerful; they acted as intermediaries between humans and deities, and had the power to cure, attract the rain, or stop pestilence. They exercised influence on the chiefs and on the general decision-making process of a village. They had immense prestige and privileges. They continue to exert influence, although their role is diminishing in villages where the majority is evangelical. Chiriguano evangelical pastors are an important factor in conversion, and are beginning to play a political role.

Thearête, or feast, was a ceremony mainly related to the maize harvest. It transformed into Carnival but maintains many of its traditional elements. Men wear wooden masks and costumes depicting animal spirits and ancestors returning to meet relatives. Easter also has been transformed by the Chiriguano through the incorporation of dancing and singing.

Music and singing in the Guaraní language occurred during all Chiriguano festivals; these genres persist, but with the influence of colonial music. Native instruments such as flutes and drums have been retained, while violin and guitar have been added.

Disease is understood as the result of natural forces (wind, heat, cold), supernatural forces (spirits of the forest or river), or witchcraft. Curing techniques consist of herbal medicines, sucking out foreign objects, massage, diagnosis by blowing tobacco, and long therapeutic séances to drive out the evil. Witchcraft is believed to be a basic cause of illness, death, or any other misfortune. The shaman is the only one who can counteract the evil power of the witch. Western medicine has been introduced, coexisting with traditional cures.

Death is believed to be the result of disease, nature spirits, or witches. Until the beginning of the twentieth century, the deceased were buried in funerary urns under the house. After death, the soul was believed to go to a heaven-like place after a hazardous journey. The Chiriguano have since incorporated Christian beliefs regarding the afterlife.

This culture summary is from the article "Chiriguano" by Silvia María Hirsch, in theEncyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 7,South America, Johannes Wilbert, ed. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co. 1994. Additional bibliography was provided by Ian Skoggard in July, 2023. Population figures were updated, and the sections “Identification and Location” and “Subsistence” were amended by Leon G. Doyon in August, 2023.

Dirección General de Estadística, Encuestas y Censos (2014).III Censo Nacional de Població y Viviendas para Pueblos Indígenas. Censo 2012. Pueblos Indígenas del Paraguay: Resultados Finales.https://www.ine.gov.py/Publicaciones/Biblioteca/indigena2012/Pueblos%20indigenas%20en%20el%20Paraguay%20Resultados%20Finales%20de%20Poblacion%20y%20Viviendas%202012.pdf. Accessed August 21, 2015.

Instituto Nacional de Estadística (2015).Censo de Población y Vivienda 2012, Bolivia. Caracterísicas de la Población. https://bolivia.unfpa.org/sites/default/files/pub-pdf/Caracteristicas_de_Poblacion_2012.pdf. Accessed April 13, 2023.

Métraux, Alfred (1948). "Tribes of the Eastern Slopes of the Bolivian Andes" InHandbook of South American Indians, Vol. 3,The Tropical Forest Tribes, edited by Julian H. Steward. Bureau of American Ethnology Bulletin 143. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 465-485. https://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/cultures/sf10/documents/002.

Riester, Jürgen, Brigitte Simon Bárbara, and Schuchard Bárbara (1979).Los Chiriguanos. Asunción: Suplemento Antropológico, vol. 14, nos. 1-2.

Susnik, Branislava (1968).Chiriguanos, Vol. 1,Dimensiones Etnosociales. Asunción del Paraguay: Museo Etnográfico "Andrés Barbero."

Voces en el Fénix (2018). "Anexo 2. Pueblos indígenas según el Censo 2010." Facultad de Ciencias Económicas, Universidad de Buenos Aires. Last updated 10/1/2018. Accessed April 13, 2023.