Tzeltal

None.

The Tzeltal are a North American Indian ethnic group concentrated in the central highlands of the state of Chiapas, Mexico. Contiguous Indian groups are the Tzotzil to the west, the Chol to the north and northeast, and the Tojolabal to the southeast. The basic population cleavage in the Chiapas highlands, however, is not between the various Indian groups, but rather between the Ladinos (Spanish-speaking, usually racially mixed people), who occupy primarily the major towns, and the Indians, who live primarily in outlying municipios.

The Tzeltal-speaking population numbered approximately 50,000 around 1950. In 1977 this figure had dropped somewhat to 45,000, of which 20,000 were lowland or Bachajon Tzeltal and 25,000 were highland or Oxchuc Tzeltal (Ethnologue 1988: 32). This population is distributed through 12 MUNICIPIOS, with 13 main communities. Of the latter, nine are almost entirely Indian (i.e., reported to be over 85 percent Tzeltal-speaking): Aguacatenango, Amatenango, Cancuc, Chanal, Chilon, Oxchuc, Tenejapa, Petalcingo, and Sitala. The other four communities are about 65 to 80 percent Tzeltal-speaking: Altamirano, Ocosingo, Villa de las Rosas, and Yajalan (4: Villa Rojas, pp. 195-96; Vogt 1969: 139).

The Tzeltal and Tzotzil languages form the Tzeltalan subdivision of the Mayan language family. Lexico-statistical studies indicate that these two languages probably became differentiated around 1200 A.D. (Vogt 1969: 140).

There is little if any information in the literature on Tzeltal pre-contact history. During the past four centuries, however, since the first contact with the Spanish in the area, there has been several periods of great social significance to the Tzeltal. The earliest of these periods was that of the conquest from 1524 to 1545 during which the Spanish-Indian cultures clashed with great violence. This, according to Villa Rojas (4: Villa Rojas, pp. 197-B to 198-B), was followed by the period of catechization and consolidation of the Spanish dominance which lasted from 1545 until 1600. This period was characterized by a vast population movement and changes in location of some towns, reductions, and congregations (4: Villa Rojas, P. 198-B). The seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries were known as the era of slavery and royal land grants. Indians were subjected to the payment of heavy tribute and were required to provide labor on the plantations and in the transportation system where the served as carriers of goods in the great trade caravans of the Spanish. The period from approximately 1720 to about 1850 is considered as the period of resurgence and autonomy of the Indian community. At this time the system of royal land grants was suppressed, the Order of Dominicans weakened, and the authority of the Spanish government greatly relaxed. This existing situation became more and more acute due in large part to the political unrest at that time which absorbed the attention of the Spanish authorities and eventually led to the separation of Chiapas from Guatemala and its incorporation with Mexico in 1824. The next significant period in Tzeltal history was that from about 1850 to 1911, during which Ladinos invaded the lands of the Indians taking them by bribery or by force. Despite the complaints of the Tzeltal to the authorities, nothing was done, and the Ladinos continued to make inroads into Indian lands. The modern period of Tzeltal history began around 1920, and is characterized by increasing federal support throughout the entire republic. Although progress has been slow in the Tzeltal area, conditions are constantly improving.

Agriculture is the basic economic activity of the Tzeltal peasants. Traditional Mesoamerican crops -- maize, beans, squash, and chilies, are the most important, but a variety of other crops, including wheat, manioc, sweet potatoes, cotton, chayote, and some fruits and vegetables, are also raised. Regional variations in ecological conditions lead to concomitant differentiation in agriculture. Domestic animals include poultry, pigs, burros, and cattle, but these animals are seldom eaten.

Tzeltal villages are noted for craft specialties. Surplus produce and craft products are traded throughout the region by a system of regional periodic markets, and these markets link the Tzeltal to the wider Mexican economic system. Finally, many Tzeltal are dependent to some extent on wage labor in order to provision their households.

Special crafts include basketry, weaving, pottery making, woodworking, and work in stone. Among the few handicrafts practiced in the Tzeltal area, pottery, produced mainly by women, is the most widespread. Although nearly all of the Tzeltal groups make utilitarian vessels of clay (with the possible exception of the Tenejapeos), the two communities which have made a specialty of this craft are Tenango and Amatenango del Valle (4: Villa Rojas, p. 207-A). Although both communities use similar ceramic techniques, the shape and ornamentation of the resulting pottery vary. Tenango exports its finished products through the northern zone of the region while Amatenango del Valle exports them through the southern zone including neighboring Guatemalan villages.

The spinning and weaving of fabrics for clothing is another craft widespread throughout the Tzeltal area. According to Blom and LaFarge this type of weaving is done entirely by women (5: Blom & LaFarge, p. 345), using the backstrap loom of pre-Hispanic origin. No village in the Tzeltal region, however, will trade these products because production barely meets the needs of the individual families.

Woodworking is done at a very rudimentary level. Using very basic tools Tzeltal men manufacture doors, tables, seats (stools), small benches, and shelves, and in the Ocosingo area, even violins similar to the European type but with little resonance and poor tone. They also produce combs and pipes (for smoking tobacco).

Simple baskets are woven by men on a framework of heavy splints, interwoven with reeds in a wicker-work pattern. Men also produce hats which they plait from straw.

Work in stone involves the manufacture of METATES, using as tools a pickaxe and short-handled hammer. These METATES generally have three legs, although Blom and LaFarge mention some that have no legs at all, and are made of volcanic stone (5: Blom & LaFarge, p. 338).

As noted previously there is some limited trade between villages in the Tzeltal region, especially by those communities specializing in particular craft manufacture. For example, Tenango and Amatenango concentrate on the production of ceramics which they trade to other neighboring villages for their products. Other communities, on the other hand, display very limited commercial activity: Tenejapa trades a few sleeping mats; Oxchuc, ropes, nets, and pita bags; Cancuc, wooden combs; and Bachajon, clay toys. Unlike Zinacantan and Chamula, these villages do not have any specialized merchants to promote their wares (4: Villa Rojas, P. 212-B).

Markets in the region where people can meet regularly to exchange their products, are few in number: Teopisca in the south, Tenejapa in the central region, and Ocosingo, Chilon, and Yajalon in the north. These markets are also frequented by Ladinos, but there are others, located far from Ladino contact that are exclusively for Indians. One of the most important of these is the Saturday market of Yochib, located near Tenejapa, Cancuc, and Oxchuc. Transactions at these markets are either through trade exchange or by money.

Trade with non-Tzeltal populations is minimal, yet there is some. Salt, dogs, powder for flint-locks, and AGUARDIENTE are traded to the Lacandones for fine grade tobacco. In addition to the internal trade exchange as noted above, Tenango and Amatenago pottery are also exported out of the area and as far away as San Andres in Guatemala. Chamula blankets are worn in Cancuc and all through the Chiapas mountains. The Tzeltal of the highland region keep warm in heavy woolen shirts called CHUJ, which are manufactured in Guatemala (5: Blom & LaFarge, p. 386).

Property rights vary according to the degree of acculturation achieved by the community. In the most conservative communities (Oxchuc, Cancuc, Tenejapa, Tenango) family property rights are still being observed, although these seem to be lineage related. In these patrilineages a woman does not count when inheritance is involved. She may, however, be the owner of a parcel of land which she has purchased with her own money, but this occurrence is rare. A man, on the other hand, may claim any land that previously belonged to his lineage by the simple means of paying back the money that was paid for it several generations ago, providing that he can document the fact that the lands actually did belong to his lineage. Land belonging to a lineage can sometimes be subdivided, upon agreement of the interested parties, and distributed on an individual basis. In this way single individuals now can own parcels of land, a type of ownership that is becoming more general, especially in the acculturated communities such as Aguacatenango and Amatenango, as the old social organization based on clans and lineages begins to deteriorate. In addition to the lineage and individually owned lands, are the EJIDO lands. These lands are administered by the "COMITE EJIDAL" of each MUNICIPIO, and distributed to individuals who need the land for cultivation. These lands cannot be sold or transferred in any way, since they are considered as common property (4: Villa Rojas, pp. 211-211).

One of the major aspects of traditional Tzeltal social organization that persist today in the more conservative communities are exogamous patrilineal sibs, and patrilineal lineages within which land is inherited. In the more acculturated communities, the sib-lineage system tends to disappear and to be replaced by a bilateral system similar to that characterizing Ladino society.

The Tzeltal utilize an Omaha type of kinship terminology.

Tzeltal marriages are regulated by the clan, and in fact the mere presence of the same Indian surname, (e.g., in Chanal, Tenejapa, Cancuc, and Oxchuc), is sufficient grounds to forbid a marriage or at least strongly discourage it from taking place. There are no professional marriage negotiators among the Tzeltal. Although the levirate and sororate exist, they do not constitute a general practice today, although their occurrence may have been more frequent in the past. In the traditional form of marriage the boy's parents generally pay four visits to the girl's parents to complete the agreement, each time bringing gifts of bread, eggs, fruit, and particularly rum. The actual wedding itself is simple; a family ritual involving the boy's and girl's parents and the old men of the clan to which the girl belongs. At this time the boy formally presents a number of gifts to the girl's clan symbolizing the wish for everlasting friendship between the two families. Following the formal presentation the couple kneel in the presence of the oldest member of the clan who publicly announces their new marital status and recites the duties and obligations of each spouse (4: Villa Rojas, p. 217).

Residence is patrilocal, with temporary matrilocal residence for a year after marriage during which the boy must fulfill bride service to his father-in-law. If the boy's parents are sufficiently wealthy they may pay the girl's parents a sum of twelve pesos in lieu of the service.

When a girl is too young to get married, another custom known as YAJK MAKTE ACHISH (cover or secure the girl) is practiced, by means of which the boy's parents secure her for future marriage to their son. Arrangements are made between the two sets of parents involving the gift of liquor to the girl's parents, which is shared by members of her clan. When the girl gets older the usual marriage ceremony is performed (see above).

Another form of marriage noted in the literature is that of wife capture, a practice existing among very traditional groups. This custom involves the physical removal of the girl from her house to that of the boy's parents. After a certain amount of negotiations between the families, which include frequent gifts of liquor, the union is generally recognized.

Today, among the less conservative communities, these traditional forms of marriage are being gradually replaced by the Catholic marriage ceremony favored by the Ladinos of the area.

When a marriage is dissolved among the Tzeltal, the woman returns to her parents without taking anything but her own clothes, and her backstrap loom. A widow may continue to live in the hut and use its equipment only if she has a son. Otherwise, she must vacate the house and return to her father's home because the land will be claimed by the brothers or other male relatives of the deceased husband (4: Villa Rojas, pp. 212-A to 212-B).

The basic unit throughout the region is the nuclear family consisting of a married couple and their children. In addition there are also extended or compound families in which other married or widowed members from the same patrilineal nucleus, including their children, share the same house or the same kitchen (4: Villa Rojas, p. 216).

In all the Tzeltal communities political and religious patterns of leadership are the same. Each community is governed by two groups of authorities whose activities are interrelated. The first of these, composed of members of the CABILDO and AYUNTAMIENTO manage the political affairs of the community. The role of the AYUNTAMIENTO is to act as mediator between the local and national authorities. The president of the MUNICIPIO, and other local officials are popularly elected and their appointments confirmed by the congress of the state. Beneath the president in authority is the SECRETARIO, nearly always a Ladino, who controls all the administrative affairs of the community -- imposing fines, collecting taxes, and assigning communal work. He keeps in close contact with state authorities. Below the level of the SECRETARIO in rank are the REGIDOR, SINDICO, ALCALDE, police commander and policemen (4: Villa Rojas, pp. 219-220). In addition to these officially recognized authorities the Tzeltal have their own government system. In this system the MUNICIPIO is divided into two CALPULES or BARRIOS, under the supervision of those old men having the greatest knowledge and prestige in the community. These old men are represented in the Tzeltal government system by the KATINAB (supreme chief of the whole CALPUL), OKIL KAVIL, secretary to the KATINAB, and various other local officials such as the DZUNUBILES, "pulsers" or "curers", ALCALDE, CORNALES (or governors), SINDICOS, and X-TULES (or REGIDORES).

Each Tzeltal community constitutes a distinct social and cultural unit. "Each community has its well-defined lands, its own dialect forms, wearing apparel, kinship system, politico-religious organization, economic resources, crafts, and other cultural features" (4: Villa Rojas, p. 197). Strong intra-community solidarity contrasts with the lack of any social or political solidarity at the ethnic group level. All of the Tzeltal communities follow an essentially similar structural pattern, with a town center, which may be heavily or thinly populated, and a number of communities, called PARAJES, which are scattered over the MUNICIPIO.

The Tzeltal religious system is a syncretic blend of Catholic and indigenous elements. Annual community ceremonies are held in honor of particular saints. As in most Mesoamerican Indian communities, office holders in the civil-religious hierarchy are in charge of these celebrations as well as more secular village affairs. Shamanism and witchcraft are also found among the Tzeltal.

The expression of artistic impulses today are through the use of simple geometric designs applied to pottery, carved into furniture, and embroidered on clothing. Music and dancing usually accompanies religious festivals. The major musical instruments used by the Tzeltal are the harp, guitar, flute, and drum. Musical instruments are sometimes classified as to secular or non-secular (i.e., religious) use. In several Tzeltal communities stringed instruments of European origin, such as the guitar, violin, and harp, are used only for secular purposes. The musical instruments used in religious performances, and often kept in the church, consist of cane flute (AHMAY) and drums (2: Redfield & Villa Rojas, p. 116).

Following the death of an individual, the body is placed on a wooden plank in the middle of the house, and watch is kept over it for two days and two nights. At night friends and neighbors come to keep company with the family. The harp and guitar are played on these occasions and CHICHA and AGUARDIENTE drunk. As day-break approaches the men return to their homes while the women remain to grieve beside the corpse. Traditionally the dead are buried near the graves of men from the same lineage. In the village of Cancuc, however, the dead are buried inside the house. The sides and bottom of the grave are covered with slabs to form a coffin, and the body placed inside. Accompanying grave goods are placed with the body, such as a comb, bowl, bottle filled with water, a needle and thread, and if a man, AGUARDIENTE. The arms of the corpse are crossed over the chest and a rosary placed between the hands. The head of the deceased is always placed to the west. During the days following the burial prayers are said in memory of the dead. On occasion the house itself is evacuated in fear of the return of the soul of the dead (4: Villa Rojas, pp. 224-225).

The Tzeltal believe that everybody has two souls: one that may be eaten by the NAGUALES (supernatural beings), and one which follows the destiny planned for it by its patron saint. At death the NAGUALES take away the first soul and feast on it in the mountains. It is generally believed that at midyear the NAGUALES visit a certain place in heaven called ATIMALTIK, where an old man lives who keeps the Book of Life. This book records the lifespan of every individual, and the NAGUALES consult it to find out when the next person is to die. The disappearance of the name of the person from the book indicates the death of that individual.

The Tzeltal collection consists of 11 documents, which except for one translation from Spanish (1: Guiteras Holmes), are all in English. The basic works are 7: Nash and 8: Hunt, but 4: Villa Rojas contains an excellent general summary of Tzeltal ethnography and culture history which provides a very useful starting point for the study of Tzeltal culture. Nash's field work covered a period of 18 months during five field trips in the years 1957-1958, and was concentrated in the MUNICIPIO of Amatenango del Valle. 7: Nash is a study of socio-cultural change in Amatenango, focusing on the economy, political leadership, religion, and relationships with the Ladino population and the Mexican government. 3: Nash provides a very interesting analysis of 37 homicide cases which occurred between 1938 and 1965 in the fictiously named town of "Teklum". 9: Nash is a structural-functional study of the change of officials in the community of Tzo?ontahal. 8: Hunt is a doctoral dissertation based on field work in 1958. Hunt focuses on an analysis and comparison of domestic group organization and process in the communities of Amatenango and Aguacatenango. 6: Metzger is also a dissertation based on field work in Aguacatenango, but concentrates on a narrower study of ceremonial drinking patterns.

The earliest document in the collection is 5: Blom & LaFarge, which presents detailed descriptions of aspects of material culture obtained during an expedition through the Chiapas highlands in 1925. 2: Redfield and Villa Rojas is a generalized account of community organization and cultural patterns derived both from the literature and a short period of field work (ca. one month) by Villa Rojas in 1938. 1: Guiteras Holmes is a short article analyzing the unilineal kin groups and kinship terminology in the town of Cancuc. Data for this study were gathered during two short field trips totaling about three months in 1945 and 1946. In 1993 two additional documents were added to the Tzeltal collection, 10: Stross and 11: HRAF. 10: Stross, based on a year's field research in the PARAJES of Mahosik and Cahal c'en (outlying communities of the MUNICIPIO of Tenejapa), investigates selected aspects of language acquisition by Tzeltal children. As background for the study the author presents an abundance of data on pregnancy, childbirth, child rearing, adolescence, and marriage. This work also provides much information on Tzeltal plant taxonomy and nomenclature. 11: HRAF consists of a bibliography on the Tzeltal.

• ALISILES -- Category 794

• ALFEREZ -- Category 794

• AYUNTAMIENTO -- Category 621

• BARRIO -- Category 621

• CALPULES -- the division of a town center into two sections or sub-communities, similiar to a form of moiety organization. (Called BARRIOS by Latinos) -- Category 621

• CARGO of MAJORDOMO of church -- Category 794

• COMPADRAZGO -- Categories 476 and/or 608

• EJIDOS -- cooperatively owned land of village -- Categories 423 and/or 621

• E'ULELA (C'ULEL) -- the human spirit or soul -- Category 774

• FIADOR -- Categories 426 and/or 441

• FISCAL -- Category 794

• HPOSIL -- the curer -- Category 756

• INI (INSTITUTO NACIONAL INDIGENISTA) -- Category 647

• MAYORDOMO -- Category 794

• ME ILTATIL -- Categories 608 and/or 571

• NOREP ritual -- the first cutting of the hair of a child -- Categories 302 and/or 852

• PARAJES -- scattered settlements around a town center or MUNICIPIO -- Category 621

• PRINCIPALES -- their role in Tzeltal society -- Categories 624 and/or 794

• QICALDES -- Categories 624 and/or 693

• REGIDORES -- Category 624

• secretary -- Category 624

• SINDICO -- Category 624

• SUERTE -- a supernatural power associated with good or bad luck or fortune in carrying out various economic enterprises -- Category 777

Grimes, Barbara F. editor. Ethnologue: languages of the world. 11th edition. Dallas, Texas, Summer Institute of Linguistics, Inc., 1988

Vogt, Evon Z. Chiapas highlands. In Robert Wauchope, ed. Handbook of Middle American Indians, Vol. 7. Austin, University of Texas Press, 1969.