Korean Americans

By Pyong Gap Min and Ian Skoggard

Pre-1965 Korean immigrants, like other Asian immigrants, were concentrated in Hawaii, California, and other West Coast states. The earlier Korean immigrants were visible particularly in three cities: Honolulu, San Francisco, and Los Angeles. Post-1965 Korean immigrants are more widely distributed throughout the United States than the earlier pioneer immigrants. However, California is still a magnet for Korean immigrants with a heavy concentration in Los Angeles and Orange Counties. The New York-New Jersey area is the second largest Korean center after Southern California. Other U.S. metropolitan cities such as San Francisco, Chicago, Philadelphia, Baltimore, Atlanta, and Dallas have a significant Korean population.

The Korean community in the United States is largely the by-product of the new immigration law that has been enforced since 1965. The U.S. census shows that the Korean population increased from approximately 70,000 in 1970 to 800,000 in 1990. Taking into consideration Korean Americans not counted in the 1990 census, those who have come since 1990, and Korean children born since 1990, we may put the Korean population at close to 1.2 million in 1996. In 1990, 28 percent of Korean Americans were native born. The share of native-born Korean Americans has increased in the 1990s. The 1990 census shows that 44 percent of Korean Americans were settled in the West, with 33 percent in California. Approximately 250,000 Koreans are concentrated in Southern California (Los Angeles and Orange Counties), the second largest overseas Korean population center, after Yanbian, China. The states of New York and New Jersey respectively have 12 percent and 5 percent of the Korean population. There are approximately 150,000 Koreans in the New York-New Jersey-Connecticut tri-state area.

Korean immigrants in North America are a very homogeneous group in culture and historical experiences, more homogeneous than any other Asian group with the exception of the Japanese. Language probably is the most significant element of ethnicity, and Koreans share a single language. This monolingual background gives Korean immigrants a big advantage over other multilingual immigrant groups, such as Indians and Filipinos, for maintaining ethnic attachment. Koreans depended on Chinese characters for many centuries, but in the fourteenth century, Great King Sejong created the Korean alphabet, Hangul. All Korean immigrants can speak Korean and can read the Korean alphabet. Because of their cultural homogeneity and monolingual background, Korean immigrants exclusively speak the Korean language at home and depend on the Korean-language media for information and recreational activities. Although second-generation Korean Americans feel more comfortable speaking English than speaking Korean, they have advantage over other Asian American second generations in learning their mother tongue because of their monolingual background.

Approximately 7,200 Koreans came to Hawaii to work on sugar plantations between 1882 and 1905. They composed the first wave of Korean immigrants to the United States, although nearly 100 Koreans had crossed the Pacific bridge after diplomatic relations were established between Korea and the United States in 1882. Economic hardship in Korea precipitated by nationwide famine was the push factor for the movement of pioneer Korean immigrants whereas the shortage of cheap labor in Hawaii was the pull factor (Patterson, 1988).

Most pioneering Korean immigrants, like their Chinese and Japanese counterparts, were sojourners who planned to return to Korea as soon as they earned enough money. Most were younger males who had lived in Seoul, Inchon, and other urban areas of Korea and who had worked as manual laborers. Forty percent of them were Christians in Korea, and the majority attended Korean Christian churches in the United States (Choy, 1979). The exposure to American missionaries in Korea was one major factor that influenced Koreans' decision to migrate to the United States at the turn of the century.

Early Korean immigration came to a sudden end in the summer of 1905 when Korea became Japan's protectorate as a result of the Japanese victory in the Russo-Japanese War in 1905. Under pressure from the Japanese government, the Korean Foreign Ministry instructed the mayors of the port cities to stop issuing passports. Before pioneering Korean immigrants came to Hawaii, Japanese workers monopolized plantation work on the islands to the extent that they organized several strikes to increase wages and to improve working conditions. The immigration of Korean workers to Hawaii hindered the monopoly of labor by Japanese workers. Thus, the Japanese government pressured the Korean government not to send any more emigrants to Hawaii in order to protect the economic interests of Japanese workers.

Although the immigration of Korean laborers to the United States ended in 1905, about 2,000 more Korean came to Hawaii and California before Asian immigration was completely banned in 1924. Almost all Korean immigrants who came to the United States between 1906 and 1924 were either picture brides of the earlier pioneer male immigrants or students and politicians engaged in the anti-Japanese movement following the annexation of Korea by Japan in 1910. Korean community leaders in Hawaii and California led Korean immigrants' ethnic activities toward the anti-Japanese independence movement. Korean churches became the most important ethnic organizations for pre-1965 Korean immigrants. They helped Korean immigrants maintain social interactions with fellow Koreans and preserve Korean cultural traditions (Choy, 1979). The national origins quota system that came into full effect in 1924 completely barred Korean immigration until the end of World War II. The close political, military, and economic connections between the United States and South Korea, beginning with the Korean War in 1950, helped Korean immigration resume. During the period between 1950 and 1964, more than 15,000 Koreans were admitted to the United States as legal immigrants (Min, 1995). Most of the Koreans admitted during this intermediate period of Korean immigration were the "war brides" who married American servicemen in Korea and who later were invited by their spouses to come to the United States. The Korean orphans adopted by American citizens composed a significant proportion of the Korean immigrants in the intermediate period. Both the rate of intermarriage between American servicemen and Korean women and the adoption of Korean children by American citizens increased in the 1970s and 1980s.

It is a well known fact that the Immigration Act of 1965 led to a dramatic increase in Asian immigration. South Korea is one of the major source countries for the new immigration, along with the Philippines, China, and India. Between 1976 and 1990, South Korea sent more than 30,000 immigrants a year to the United States. Only Mexico and the Philippines sent more immigrants to the United States during that period. Post-1965 Korean immigrants are primarily economic immigrants who crossed the Pacific seeking a higher standard of living. Also, many Koreans decided to emigrate to the United States to give their children a better opportunity for college education. In addition, the U.S.-Korean political, economic and military linkages and the U.S. cultural influence in South Korea were important structural factors that contributed to the mass influx of Korean immigrants in the post-1965 era. Korean immigration peaked in 1987 at about 36,000, but it has steadily fallen since 1988. In 1994, the number of Korean immigrants dropped to about 16,000, below half the number in 1987. The improved economic, social, and political conditions in South Korea are largely responsible for the recent gradual reduction of Korean emigration. The standard of living in South Korea has risen greatly during recent years, as reflected by a per capita income of over $10,000 in 1995. Further, social and political insecurity, which prompted many Koreans to emigrate to the United States in the 1970s and the early 1980s, has been reduced substantially. South Korea had a popular presidential election in 1987, ending a sixteen-year military dictatorship. Also, the economic recession in the United States during recent years hit very hard on Korean small business owners. At the same time, the South Korean people are increasingly well informed of the difficulties of Korean immigrants adjusting to the United States. Recently, many Korean immigrants have returned to Korea permanently, giving up their "American dream."

In the late 1960s when the mass migration of Koreans to the United States started, most Korean Americans resided in the West, with the largest number in Los Angeles. New Korean immigrants usually settled in the areas where they could get help from their relatives and friends. As a result of chain migration, Los Angeles and other West Coast cities such as San Francisco and San Jose continued to attract new Korean immigrants. However, economic opportunity rather than chain migration explains better why Korean immigrants settled in New York, Chicago, Atlanta, and other cities outside of California where there were few Koreans in the late 1960s. In the 1970s, many Koreans were admitted as occupational immigrants, particularly as medical professionals. Large numbers of Korean immigrants in the early 1970s chose New York, Chicago, and other Eastern and Mid-western cities because they received job offers from hospitals in these cities (Kim 1981). Once Korean occupational immigrants established an immigration chain in these new cities, they continued to bring their relatives and friends. It is also important to note that post-1965 Korean immigrants usually chose a large metropolitan city. In fact, Los Angeles and New York, the two largest Korean population centers, are also the two largest cities in the United States. Another important aspect of Korean immigrants' settlement is their tendency to establish an enclave. Since the later 1970s, Koreans in Los Angeles have developed their enclave, known as "Koreatown." Located about three miles west of downtown Los Angeles, Koreatown is the residential and commercial center for Koreans in Los Angeles. Residentially, about half the Koreans in the city of Los Angeles reside in Koreatown, a 25 square mile area. About 3,500 Korean stores with Korean language signs are located in Koreatown where co-ethnics find Korean food, groceries, books/magazines, and other services with distinctive cultural tastes. About one-fourth of Koreans in New York City are concentrated in Flushing, which has recently emerged as the Koreatown of New York. Most Koreans in Flushing live near the downtown area, where they have established a Korean business district, Hanin Sanga. The Koreans in Chicago, San Francisco, and other cities, have also established their own ethnic enclaves. New immigrants with language difficulties have settled in Los Angeles Koreatown and other Korean enclaves, drawn by the availability of ethnic foods and other ethnically oriented services, as well as by the potential for employment in Korean-owned stores.

Korean immigrants have developed a unique mode of economic adaptation. They are heavily concentrated in a limited range of small businesses. Korean immigrants in the later 1960s and the early 1970s expected to obtain white-collar and professional positions in fields that they were originally trained for. However, because of their language barrier, unfamiliarity with American customs, and other disadvantages for employment, most of these immigrants had to switch to low-level, blue-collar occupations (Min 1988). They reluctantly turned to small business as an alternative to undesirable blue-collar occupations. In the early 1970s, many Korean immigrants engaged in the international trade occurring between their host and home countries, importing manufactured goods, such as wigs, handbags, jewelry and clothing, from South Korea. Korean importers distributed the merchandise imported from Korea and other Asian countries mainly to Korean retailers. Many Korean retail stores dealing in manufactured goods imported from Korea and other Asian countries are located in low-income Black and Latino neighborhoods.

Later, Korean immigrants moved into other types of businesses such as grocery, produce and liquor retail, dry cleaning, and garment manufacturing. Koreans in Los Angeles, New York, and other major Korean centers are over represented in these businesses. Korean grocery, liquor and produce stores in particular are heavily concentrated in Black neighborhoods, which provided the context for Korean-Black tensions and conflicts (Min 1996). Many Korean stores in Black neighborhoods were subject to boycotts and other forms of rejection. During the 1992 Los Angeles riots about 2,300 Korean stores were destroyed.

The Confucianism ideology had the single most significant influence in Korea before Christian religions were adopted in the beginning of the twentieth century. One of the important aspects of Confucianism is its emphasis on consanguine ties and ancestor worship. Under the impact of the Confucian ideology, Koreans who live in a highly urbanized society still consider kin ties beyond a nuclear family very important. In Korea, the vast majority (80 percent) of elderly people in South Korea live with their children, mostly with their married first son (Eu 1992, 206). Although married brothers do not live together in the same household, they maintain stronger sibling ties in terms of friendship and mutual help in Korea than in the United States. Further, relatives extending to third cousins get together a few times a year to observe rituals of worship for ancestors within the three previous generation.

Although Korean immigrants in America maintain stronger kin ties than the U.S. general population, they have adapted much to the American nuclear family system that focuses on married partners and their unmarried children. For example, less than half the Korean elderly in the United States live with their adult children, a significant decrease from the 80 percent found in Korea (Min 1997). The Korean elderly who live with their children were usually invited to come and live with their children in the United States. The Koreans who immigrated to the United States in their forties and fifties will reach their retirement age in the United States; it is likely that most of these elders will live independently from their children, following the American custom. Thus, there will probably be a gradual change in the living arrangements of the Korean elderly in the United States from co-residence with their children to independent residence. Korean immigrants tend to depend more on their relatives than on their friends for initial adjustments to the United States, yet they gradually switch from kin members to non-kin members for friendship and recreational activities. In addition, few Korean immigrant families observe rituals of ancestor worship.

Both legally and by custom, divorce is much more difficult in Korea than in the United States. Thus, Korean immigrants have a much lower divorce rate than white Americans. However, Korean immigrants have a much higher divorce rate than the population in Korea. For example, the number of divorced persons for 1,000 Korean American males 15 years old and over was 23 in comparison to 7 for their counterparts in Korea (Min 1997). Even intact Korean immigrant families have far more marital and generational conflicts than intact families in Korea.

Whereas the vast majority of the turn-of-the-century Korean immigrants came to the United States as temporary, single male laborers, most contemporary Korean immigrants have arrived here in family units. This suggests that most Korean Americans live in intact families. The 1990 census shows that 15 percent of Korean Americans live in single-person households and that 83 percent of Korean American families are married couple families (Min 1997). The respective figures for non-Hispanic white Americans were 26 percent and 84 percent.

One of the major reasons why Korean immigrant families are more unstable than families in Korea is the economic role of Korean women. Under the impact of Confucianism, much of the traditional gender role differentiation has been preserved in South Korea. Only one-fourth of married women in Korea participate in the labor force. However, the immigration of Koreans to the United States has led to the radical increase in Korean women's labor force participation rate. The 1990 census shows that approximately 60 percent of married Korean-American women participate in the labor force, in comparison to 58 percent of white married women (Min 1997). Because of their involvement in small businesses, married Korean immigrant women in the labor force usually work long hours, much longer hours than employed married White American women. Korean immigrant women increased their economic role without changes in their husbands' conservative gender role attitudes, which along with both partners' overwork and work-related stress, contribute to marital conflicts in many Korean immigrant families.

As a consequence of the strong Confucian cultural tradition, child socialization in South Korea still places a great emphasis on children's obedience to and respect for parents and other adults. Korean immigrant parents, the vast majority of whom completed their formal education in South Korea, are more authoritarian than white American parents, although there are significant class differences in Korean immigrants' child socialization practices. Another core element of Confucianism is emphasis on children's education and social mobility through education. People in South Korea try to do everything possible to send their children to good colleges. Many Korean immigrant parents have chosen U.S.-bound emigration to give their children a better opportunity for education. Korean immigrant parents put more pressure on their children to succeed in school and make their children study longer hours after school than white American parents (Rose and Min 1992). In addition, Korean immigrant parents practice a more traditional gender socialization, treating boys and girl more differently, than white American parents (Rose and Min 1992).

More than any other Asian community, the Korean community has a large number of ethnic organizations that provide services, facilitate social interactions among Koreans and/or provide information. These include ethnic churches, alumni associations, ethnic media, various social service agencies, cultural organizations, recreational associations, occupational associations (trade and professional), and several surname and provincial associations. Korean immigrants are characterized by their heavy Christian background (Hurh and Kim 1990), and Korean ethnic churches are the most important social organizations in each Korean community that provide important practical services for Korean immigrants (Min 1992). Each major Korean community has developed a number of ethnic media, including several newspapers and a few T.V. stations. The ethnic media play a central role in integrating geographically dispersed Koreans by keeping them informed of what is going on in the local Korean community. The media also draw attention to their homeland by supplying news from Korea.

Each major Korean community has a central organization whose president is usually chosen every two years by a popular election. The two major functions of this central organization are to protect all Koreans from federal and local governments and other ethnic groups and to provide services for new Korean immigrants. Also, each major Korean community has several specialized political organizations, including those established by younger-generation Koreans, that have particular objectives. For example, younger-generation Koreans in Los Angeles established the Korean American Coalition in 1983 to increase Koreans' political power and to protect Korean interests from threats by the American media, government bodies, and outside interests groups. In addition, various Korean trade associations have played a role of political organizations in their efforts to protect Korean merchants from black customers on the one hand and white suppliers, landlords and government agencies on the other (Min 1996). Korean trade associations have been involved in boycotting white suppliers and lobbying government agencies to protect their business interests.

Korean immigrants have been involved in major intergroup conflicts mainly because of their middleman economic role, connecting low-income minority customers and white suppliers. Many Korean grocery and liquor store owners in black neighborhoods have been subject to boycotts and many were destroyed during the 1992 Los Angeles riots. Korean merchants are also in conflict with white suppliers, white landlords, and government agencies over economic interests. Koreans' business-related intergroup conflicts have strengthened their ethnic solidarity. For example, during the 1990 black boycott of two Korean produce stores in Brooklyn, New York, many Koreans in New York and other Korean communities donated money to help the owners of the boycotted stores. The victimization of Korean merchants during the Los Angeles riots stimulated Korean immigrants' political consciousness and younger-generation Koreans' sense of ethnic identity.

In South Korea, Buddhists compose the largest religious group with 28 percent. Protestants and Catholics are the second and third largest religious groups with 19 percent and 6 percent respectively (Park and Cho, 1994). However, Korean immigrants were largely drawn from the Christian population in Korea. Over 50 percent of Korean immigrants attended Christian churches in Korea prior to immigration (Hurh and Kim, 1990). Many Korean immigrants who were described as Buddhists or non-religious in Korea are now affiliated with Korean Protestant or Catholic churches in the United States. Thus about 75 percent of Korean immigrants are affiliated with Korean Christian churches whereas less than 5 percent are affiliated with Korean Buddhist temples. One main reason why Korean Buddhists or those holding no religious affiliation can convert to Christianity is that regardless of their religious background their commonly shared Confucian values and customs regulate much of their behavior and attitudes.

Most Korean Christians may attend church for religious purposes. However, if religion were their only motive for going to church, Korean immigrants would not have established their own church. Korean immigrant churches serve several practical social functions, and that is why almost all churchgoing Koreans attend Korean church (Min 1992). Perhaps the most important social function of Korean churches is to provide fellowship for new immigrants. Separated from their relatives and friends in Korea, the immigrants need new networks to cope with the sense of alienation they face in the larger, foreign environment. Korean churches are places where new immigrants can meet and socially interact with other Koreans. Korean churches also provide all kinds of services, including immigrant orientation, for their members. In addition, through their participation in Korean churches, Korean immigrants can maintain their cultural traditions and identity. Most Korean churches have established a Korean school to teach younger- generation Koreans the Korean language, culture and history. Korean churches in each Korean community have established an association or a council, which exercises much influence in the community. For example, the Council of Korean Churches in Greater New York, representing approximately 600 Korean churches in the New York metropolitan area, exercises great power and influence in the Korean community. When Koreans need to mobilize a large number of people for demonstrations, boycotts, and other collective activities, they need support and cooperation by the Council of Korean Churches that can influence individual Korean churches. When they need donations for the Korean community, they also need coordination by the Council. The Council of Korean Churches have often had conflicts with the Korean Association of New York, the central political organization, over holding the annual Korean festival on Sunday and other community issues.

Korean Cultural Service, a semi-government organization that promotes Korean culture to Korean Americans and American citizens, is located in New York and Los Angeles. It regularly displays Korean artistic and calligraphic works and shows traditional Korean films. It also invites performing artists from Korea several times a year to introduce traditional Korean dances and music to Korean Americans and American citizens. Koreans put emphasis on teaching their children musical talents. As a result, there are many internationally known Korean pianists and musicians, of whom Korean American trios, Jung Myung Hoon, Jung Myung Hwa and Jung Kyung Hwa are probably the most widely known examples. Carnegie Hall and Lincoln Center in Manhattan respectively show Korean dances and concerts almost every month. There are a number of Korean cultural organizations, including several dance groups, choirs and symphony orchestras, in New York and Los Angeles. They regularly perform Korean dances and music for non-Korean groups as well as for Korean festivals.

Koreans in the United States usually participate in the American healthcare system as they were used to it prior to immigration. However, there are a number of acupuncture clinics and Oriental herb shops in Los Angeles Koreatown and other Korean enclaves (Yu 1985). Elderly Koreans and new Korean immigrants who compose the vast majority of the residents of Korean enclaves depend partly on acupuncture treatment and Oriental herbs for their health. Even many Korean immigrants who participate in the American healthcare system prefer Korean physicians, nurses and pharmacists because of their common language (Min 1996, 65).

Documents referred to in this section are included in the eHRAF collection and are referenced by author, date of publication, and the eHRAF document number.

This file includes 17 documents which cover issues of immigrant history and adaptation, entrepreneurs and business, women and kinship. General history and survey of Korean-Americans are found in Kim, H. (1977, no. 10), Ryu (1977, no. 12), and Choy (1978, no. 1). Studies centered on the Korean community in Chicago discuss social and cultural adjustment (Hurh, Kim, H & Kim, K 1978, no. 2; Hurh & Kim, K. 1983, no. 3) and the importance of the family and kinship in this process (Kim, K. 1991, no. 17). Other local studies look at the establishment of the Korean community in New York City (Kim, I. 1991, no. 4), social networks in two Georgian Korean communities (Lee 1977, no. 11), and family and kinship networks in the Los Angeles (Hong 1982, no. 14; Yim 1991, no. 16). Several studies examine the changing status and roles of Korean women in the United States (Kim, K. & Hurh 1988, no. 5; Yu 1987, no. 15), and the particular role they play in maintaining ethnic identity (Yang 1987, no. 9). The rest of the studies examine Korean- American entrepreneurship and business (Lee & Bonacich 1986, no. 6; Min 1988, 1990, nos. 7 & 8) and the work patterns of Korean families (Yu 1982, no. 13).

For more detailed information on the content of the individual works in this file, see the abstracts in the citations preceding each document.

The culture summary was written by Pyong Gap Min, November, 1996. Indexing notes were prepared by John Beierle (July 1996) and file evaluation by Ian Skoggard (November 1996).

• Adhesion; adhesive adaptation - acculturative process among Koreans who are able to graft elements of the mainstream American way of life onto their own transplanted customs and manners without disrupting or modifying their culture substantially - 177, 182

• American dream (owning a small business) - 185

• Center for Korean Studies - 814

• CHIN'MOK-HOE - friends society - 575

• DONG-CHANG - headman - 622

• DONG-HOE - village council - 623

• Ethnic attachment - immigrants' subjective identification with a particular ethnic group and maintenance of intimate social ties with that ethnic group - 186, 563

• Ethnic confinement - confinement to one's ethnic group - 186, 563

• Ethnic entrepreneurship - ethnic minority specialization in self-employment without imposing the requirement of foreign-born status -563/472

• Ethnic facilitation - utilization of ethnic resources to solve problems of entrepreneurship - 563/472

• Ethnic resources - sociocultural features of the whole group which coethnic entrepreneurs utilize in business or from which their business benefits, e.g., hard work, thrift - 181

• GYE (GAE) associations - traditional Korean cooperatives who often function as rotating credit associations - 452, 474, 456, 575

• HANIN HAPSONG HYOP-HOE (United Korean Society) - an organization consisting of a number of dong-hoe - 575

• HUNG SA DAN (Young Korean Academy) - a national independence movement -664/575

• Immigrant entrepreneurship - self-employment within the immigrant group at a rate much in excess of the general rate - 563/472

• Immigrants - 563, 167

• Index of dissimilarity - a measure of ethnic industrial distribution - 366

• Industrial clustering - over representation of Korean firms in certain industries and under- or non- representation in others - 366

• KOOK-MIN-HOE (Korean National Association) - a self-governing body for the Koreans in the United States - 575

• KONGNIP HYOP HOE - Mutual Assistance Association - 456

• Korean American Political Association (KAPA) - 665, 575

• Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) - 647 (sometimes with 648) Korean Consulate General - 647 (sometimes with 648)

• Korean Independence Movement - 664

• Koreatown - 621

• Kye - see Gye above

• Life satisfaction - as perceived by Korean immigrants - 828

• Middleman minorities - entrepreneurial ethnic minorities who cluster in commercial occupations - 472

• Relocation of wartime populations - 722

• Subcontracting (relationship between businesses) - 441

• Violations of business or labor standards or laws - 673, 466

Choy, B. Y. (1979) Koreans in America. Chicago: Neilson Press.

Eu, H. S. (1992) "Health Status and Social and Demographic Determinants of Living Arrangements among the Korean Elderly." Korea Journal of Population and Development, Vol. 21, 197-224.

Hurh, Won Moo and Kwang Chung Kim. (1990) "Religious Participation of Korean Immigrants in the United States." Journal of the Scientific Study of Religion, Vol.29, 19-34.

Kim, I. S. (1981) New Urban Immigrants: The Korean Community in New York. Princeton: Princeton University Press.

Min, P. G. (1988) Ethnic Business Enterprise: Korean Small Business in Atlanta. Staten Island: Center for Migration Studies.

Min, P. G. (1992) "The Structure and Social Functions of Korean Immigrant Churches in the United States." International Migration Review, Vol.25, 1370-1394.

Min, P. G. (1995) "Korean Americans." In Asian Americans: Contemporary Trends and Issues, edited by Pyong Gap Min, 199-231. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications.

Min, P. G. (1996) Caught in the Middle: Korean Communities in New York and Los Angeles. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Min, P. G. (1997) "The Korean American Family." In Ethnic Families in America: Patterns and Variations, Third Edition, edited by Charles Mindel, Robert Habenstein, and Roosevelt Wright, Jr. New York: Elsevier.

Park, I. H. and L. J. Cho. (1994) "Confucianism and the Korean Family." Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol.26, 117-135.

Patterson, W. (1988) The Korean Frontier in America: Immigration to Hawaii, 1896-1910. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Rose, J. and P. G. Min. (1992) "A Comparison of Jewish-American and Korean Immigrant Families in Child Socialization." Paper Presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Sociological Association.

Yu, E. Y. (1985) "Koreatown, Los Angeles: Emergence of a New Inner-City Ethnic Community." Bulletin of Population and Development Studies, Vol.14, 29-44.