Lur

By Ronald Johnson and John Beierle

Lor, Lori, Lors, Lurs.

The Lur are found mainly in three administrative districts of Iran - Lorestan (or Lurestan), Kohkiluyeh, and Bakhtiari, although in the latter case many scholars consider the inhabitants of Bakhtiari as culturally distinct from the Lur. The focus of this collection, however, is on the Lur of Lorestan district. All three of these districts are located along a northwest-southeast axis of the Zagros mountain range and its southern foothills. These mountains are 160 to 320 kilometers wide, and extend southeastward from Lake Van in Turkey to near Bandar 'Abbas in southern Iran, a distance of about 1,600 kilometers. The valleys within this mountain range have rich pastures that have been used by several nomadic pastoral societies, including the Lur.

In the tenth century the traditional territory of the Lur was divided into what has become known as the Lorestan-e-Bozorg (the large Lorestan), which is now the Bakhtiari district, and the Lorestan-e-Kuchak (the small Lorestan), which is now the district or province of Lorestan. Probably because of conflict between different tribes within the areas, each of the two Lorestans was further subdivided into smaller political units. The Lorestan-e-Kuchak consists of two ecological and cultural zones: Pusht Kuh ("behind the mountain") and Peesh Kuh ("in front of the mountain"). Pusht Kuh is actually a transitional zone between Lorestan proper and central Kurdistan. The Bakhtiari of Lorestan-e-Bozorg were also split into two tribal blocs, Haft Lang and Char Lang. Kohkiluyeh is an administrative district in southwest Iran covering an area of about 15,000 square kilometers. This region lies within the southwestern segments of the Zagros arc.

Based on Ethnologue (http://www.ethnologue.com/show_language.asp?code=lrc and http://www.ethnologue.com/show_language.asp?code=luz accessed 060808), the ethnic northern and southern Lur populations, was approximately 2,600,000.

Generally speaking the Lur speak Northern Luri or Southern Luri, Indo-Iranian languages, closely related to modern Persian or Farsi. The modern Luri languages are viewed as the continuation of an old dialect closely related to Old Persian, or as derivations from the Middle Persian that developed in pre-Islamic times. An alternative theory suggests that the modern Luri languages developed from New Persian during the tenth century A.D.

Northern Luri speakers are largely found in western Iran including central and southern Lurestan, northern Khuzestan, southern Hamadan Province, the southern edge of Markazi Province, some areas of Ilam, with a scattering of speakers in eastern Iraq, Khorramabad, Borujerd, and Andimeshk. Southern speakers are found in the provinces of Kohgiluyeh va Boyerahmad, eastern Khuzestan, and northwestern Fars. Both northern and southern Luri dialects are used by all ages in the home and in commerce, with some male speakers, who have extensive contacts outside their communities, often being bilingual in Luri-Farsi (http://www.ethnologue.com/).

Farsi is the official language of government bureaucracies and non-Lur civil servants, and is gaining in importance and popularity as the result of compulsory education and government programs.

One theory is that the Lur may have migrated from Syria into the western Zagros Mountains some time after the Arab invasion of Iran in the seventh century A.D. Another theory suggests that the Lur were indigenous nomadic herders who inhabited the area since early times and spoke an Indo-Iranian language. Adherents of the latter theory believe that the Lur were the descendants of the Parsua, who inhabited what is now Lorestan and Bakhtiari in 800 B.C. The Parsua established the Persian Empire (550-330 B.C.) and are thus considered among the indigenous Persians.

The reigns of Reza Shah (1925-1942) and Mohammad Reza Shah (1942-1979) brought drastic changes to the lives of the Lur and the other tribal groups in Iran. For the most part, the policies of both leaders included the elimination, pacification, or settlement of the pastoral tribes. During Reza Shah's reign, tribal leaders were executed, and migrations between summer and winter camps were banned. The resulting loss of 90 percent of the livestock inflicted extreme hardship on the tribes. The land reforms of the Pahlavi regime, intended in part to settle the tribes, created ecological disasters as impoverished nomads began a frantic conversion of steep mountain pastures into farmlands in order to qualify for individualized ownership of land. Similarly, the introduction of a national system of education undermined the normative foundation of the traditional socioeconomic systems; thus, literacy also brought alienation from the only life-style that was available.

The Revolution of 1978-1979 ended the Pahlavi regime and some of the problems it had created for the tribes. Post revolutionary changes are proceeding in the context of the Islamization of society, enforced by strict guidelines from the central government. As a result, tribal religious leaders have been given a critical role in supervising and implementing Islamic guidelines in education, commerce, and aspects of social behavior. Lack of reliable information from Iran prevents an assessment of what effect these changes are having on the Lur and the other tribes of Iran.

The traditional homeland of the Lur is the Zagros Mountains, but there are Lur communities scattered in many parts of Iran. The Lur are believed to constitute about half of the population of Ilam and the entire population of Lorestan, Kohkiluyeh, Boyer Ahmadi, and Bakhtiari, although in the latter case there is some question as to whether or not the Bakhtiari really constitute a Lur population. In addition, the Lur occupy almost one half of Khuzestan, one third of Hamadan and Bushehr, and a significant portion of Fars. There are also Lur communities elsewhere in Iran, and a significant population living in Iraq.

The traditional subsistence activity of the Lur is pastoralism. As much as half of the Lur population at one time was engaged in nomadic herding of sheep and goats, but under the sedentarization process imposed by the Pahlavi regime the proportion of pastoralists has been greatly reduced, with agriculture predominating in the late twentieth century. Like most nomads of the Zagros, Lur herders spend six to eight months with their flocks in the low-lying pasture lands, usually from October to April. In the dry season (May to September), the herders move to high mountain pastures. The longest migration takes about 25 days and covers a distance of about 240 kilometers. The more settled Lur emphasize agriculture over herding; wheat and barley are the major crops. They tend to live in permanent villages year-round, whereas the nomadic groups live in permanent buildings only in the winter. For the other eight months of the year, the nomads live in black goat-hair tents, which are made by women.

The Lur believe that their success as herders was determined by personal qualities and luck. It is only the wealthiest portion of the population, however, that is usually able to maintain or increase its wealth. The majority of the population requires economic support from the upper strata of society, which control larger herds, require labor for their herds, and can provide work and salaries for those of the lower strata. Lower-strata members have fewer animals, must work for others to make up for their lack of sufficient capital in animals, and are usually obliged to offer the labor of their sons to larger herd owners, so that control over their sons is also weakened. Lur claim that as equals they are free to opt out of dependent contractual relationships, but doing so means that they must find support from another source, which is usually not easy to do.

Traditionally the Lur bred mules which, esteemed as the best in Persia (Iran), were exported to other regions in large number. The Lur also maintained a considerable trade in carpets, packing-bags, and all kinds of riding gear. The preparation and sale of charcoal, meat, dairy products, wool, and hides to other part of the nation also afforded them considerable profit.

Lur crafts were relatively limited in number and consisted of woven rugs, saddle bags, riding gear, and to some extent, metal work. In the period of 2600-600 B.C., a distinctive bronze working industry flourished in the region. These so-called Luristan Bronzes, noted for their eclectic array of Assyrian, Babylonian, and Iranian artistic motifs, were found mainly in tombs near Kermanshah. However some scholars believe that these bronzes were not made by the Lur at all but by immigrant groups that invaded Iran in the eighth century B.C.

The Lur take their agricultural and pastoral products to markets, where they purchase goods manufactured elsewhere in the country. Itinerant traders and merchants have established long-standing commercial relations with the Lur, especially with the pastoralists. They extend credit to their trading partners during the fall and winter season and collect the debts in summer, when the surplus dairy products and animals born in the previous winter become available for the market. High interest rates, however, sometimes 100 percent semiannually, have greatly undermined the economic base of the nomadic household. Nearly 30 percent of the region's herds of sheep and goats are owned by urban-based merchants. Most households are burdened with perpetual indebtedness.

Most of the work of tending the flocks, tilling the fields, storing the grain, weaving the carpets and black goat-hair tents, and the preparation of several kinds of horse-gear, were the work of women. In addition they were also expected to perform such household duties as cooking, baking bread, fetching water, and collecting fuel. Men were responsible for sowing and reaping, cutting wood for the preparation of charcoal, and defending their property against the attacks of others (Mortensen, 1993, 41).

Kinship in Luristan is a flexible principle that tribesmen manipulate as best suits their strategy of the moment. The Lur can count upon a wide pool of individuals vaguely described as "relatives", of whom a person can request varying degrees of assistance according to circumstances. Appeals for help, however, cast in the light of kinship, often yield unpredictable results. In cooperative activities the relationship of partners are denoted by the term "famil", where actual kin relations can be traced, as for example, in a patrilineage, or by the term "KHISHAWANDI", a classificatory reference where kinship relations are not clear. Any two individuals, who are the least bit disposed to afford each other mutual assistance, are also called KHISHAWANDI, such as in patron-client relationships (Black-Michaud, 1986, 195-196).

The Lur conceive of their society as being composed of a series of progressive, more inclusive patrilineal descent groups. These groups range from the smallest unit, the tent or household (HUNA) -- the basic nuclear family, to the sublineage (OWLAD) composed of several households, to the patrilineage (TIREH), consisting of two or more sublineages, to the tribe itself (TAYEFEH or Il) consisting of a group of patrilineages of varying sizes under the leadership of KHANS.

Girls of every social status marry soon after puberty, generally between the ages of 13-15, while boys marry later at 17-19 years of age. An unmarried girl of nineteen is considered a shame to her family (Bawer, 1954, 8). Traditionally marriages were nearly always arranged between cousins by the families involved, with the permission of the KHAN. After both sets of parents have consented to the marriage, the bride price is determined, which usually consists of sheep, horses, mules, and sums of money. The bride also brings a valuable dowry to the marriage. The engagement period and the marriage itself was accompanied by much visiting between friends and relatives, feasting, singing and dancing, with a minimum of ritual involving the actual marriage ceremony.

Polygyny was permitted in Luristan, but utilized mostly by the KHANs to strengthen alliances. On the other hand, polygyny could be mandatory if the levirate was involved. Marriage to the brother's widow constituted an obligation only if one or more of the woman's children by the deceased husband were under ten years of age. Marriage also served an important role during peace negotiations by cementing broken relationships, and in case of murder or assassination, to prevent a vendetta.

The basic domestic unit of the Lur was the tent or household (HUNA) consisting of one nuclear family and their flocks of sheep and goats. Each household was headed by a man who was the recognized head of the family and responsible for the members of the household. Normally the household was a unit of both production and consumption. It could own herds, equipment or tools individually, but most of the households were landless (Mortensen, 1993, 46).

In the wealthiest families sons would often receive property or sums of money from the father before his death. These donations represented only a small portion of the family's assets and were given to see how the son could practice independently his managerial skills through judicious investment of this capital (Black-Michaud, 1986, 58, ftn. 1). Daughters inherited nothing from their deceased mother except her personal goods, and dowry of jewelry, clothing, and household effects that formed part of the wedding ceremony.

Lur tribal society is divided into two blocks or strata based primarily on economic stratification, wealth, and the control of vital resources. The upper block, which constitutes not more than ten percent of the population, consists of wealthy land owners who possess large herds of sheep and goats and are able to produce enough food annually to provide subsistence for their families. The lower block, constituting the remaining population, are essentially poor, owning little or no land and are forced to sharecrop or perform wage labor for the upper stratum in a form of patron-client relationship. Black-Michaud believes that because of the internal dynamics of these blocks, neither constitute a class of its own, but instead represent status groups within Lur society (Black-Michaud, 1986, 131-132). In addition to these two groups are the LUTI, a "caste-like", endogamous group of itinerant musicians or artisans, occupying a very low status in the society.

Women's status in the Lur system of stratification is that of mere chattels of their men folk, having no recognized say in anything beyond matters connected with housekeeping and children. Should they venture or even press their opinion on an issue, they are largely ignored or sometimes beaten for their audacity (Black-Michaud, 1986, 132).

The most inclusive political unit of the Lur is the tribe, TAYEFEH or IL, which is composed of several genealogically distinct subtribes, each a federation of localized kinship groupings called an OULAD. OULAD members trace descent through the male line, to an ancestor whose name has become the referent or label for the whole group. An OULAD, in turn, is an aggregate of several migratory camp units or settled hamlets, the size of which varies from three to eight tent households. The tent household, composed of a husband and wife and their children, with a flock of sheep or goats, is the basic social and economic unit of the Lur.

Traditionally, each tribe is headed by a hereditary chief, or KHAN who is recruited by the OULAD. Aided by an army of retainers, the KHAN ensures peace and security within his jurisdiction by maintaining a balance of power among the component subtribes, arbitrating potentially disruptive disputes that cannot be resolved at the local level, and representing the tribe in matters involving the state or the neighboring sedentary communities. The financial support of the KHAN'S administrative apparatus is provided by an annual tax on grain and animals.

The available literature on the Lur provides little information on any means of enforcing conformity in the society. It would not be unreasonable to assume that in the stratified society of Luristan, particularly in patron-client relationships (i.e., between wealthy land owners and their sharecroppers or laborers), pressure could be exerted by the land owners on their clients by refusing to provide them with small loans, the use of their land, or even the administration of sectarian justice where internal conflicts were involved.

For many years prior to the twentieth century, the Lur have had a reputation for being a warlike people. Robbery and warfare were a major preoccupation of the tribe. Beginning in 1925 the pacification of the Lur began under Reza Shah, the founder of the Pahlavi dynasty. Control of the Lur was maintained by Reza Shah by removing tribal leaders from positions of authority and replacing them with military leaders who carried out state policies. He also exiled some of the tribes to distant lands; forcibly sedentarized the pastoral nomadic groups, and disarmed all tribesmen.

The major religious groups here include the Shia Ithna Ashari (to which most Lur belong), Ali Allahi, the Sunnis, and Christian Assyrians. The religion of the Lur is based almost exclusively on the beliefs of the Shia sect of Islam. They have a very pragmatic belief system, with simple religious observances as compared to the highly esoteric Islam of the urban centers. The Lur system of values is based on the Islamic faith, but Lur values are also revealed by a rich body of folklore that glorifies the history of the group and describes the adventures of culture heroes. Personality characteristics that are considered important in these stories include honor, loyalty, generosity, and, most important, bravery in battle.

Most religious practitioners are SADAAT (sing., SAYYID), who claim descent from the prophet Mohammed. Few SADAAT are literate, and those who are rarely achieve high status within their community.

Shrines dedicated to holy men who were founders of various SADAAT descent groups are scattered throughout the region. Because the shrines are believed to have curative powers, many people with physical and psychological ailments visit those seeking cures. Legal disputants also sometimes use the shrines to solemnize their testimonies.

As indicated previously the Lur observe a very pragmatic approach to religion. With the exception of rituals associated with marriage, the major ceremonies are associated with the frequent pilgrimages to the shrines and tombs of SEYYIDS, holy men, to seek cures, personal favors, or to settle legal disputes. Some of the major pilgrimages of this nature are to the shrines of Imamzadeh Shahzadeh Ahmed, Baba Buzura, Abbas Ali, and perhaps most famous of all, the commemorative Muharram procession to Kerbala to the shrine of the Shi'ite martyr Husein and his companions who in 680 A. D. died at the hands of the Sunnite Caliph Yazia rather than submit to his authority.

Artistic expression among the Lur is chiefly confined to singing, dancing, and the playing of musical instruments. These include the flute, trumpet, drum, the KAMANCHA (a stringed violin-like instrument used to accompany vocal music), and the clarinet-like wind-pipe or SAZ. Except for the flute-playing shepherds, music was primarily performed by a special "caste-like" group of itinerant musicians and artisans called the "LUTI", of low social status in the society.

Traditionally the Lur buried their dead in cemeteries that were located near nomadic campsites along roads and tracks. These cemeteries were slowly expanded when the tribesmen returned to the same site year after year. Graves were generally two meters long by one meter wide and outlined by stones. Oblong tombstones of varying sizes were place on the graves bearing identifying information about the deceased. In addition, at the head of the graves of men, a stele or obelisk was placed bearing figures depicting distinctly different themes - scenes from the life of the dead person, and representative figures connected with death and burial. The tombs of holy men or prophets were believed to be endowed with BORAKA (divine grace or a beneficent force of divine origin), emitting from the holy personage buried there. Extraordinary measures were often taken by individuals wishing to have their bodies buried near these shrines. During the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, the sacred ground at Kerbala - the site of the death of the martyr Husein and his companions - was the objective of caravans of pilgrims bearing the bodies of their dead. These caravans, traveled long distances across the country, and collected corpses from the various towns and villages through which they passed.

Documents referred to in this section are included in the eHRAF collection and referenced by author, date of publication, and eHRAF document number.

The Lur collection consists of seven English language documents covering a broad time span from approximately 9000 B.C. to 1997, with an emphasis on the period from 1920-1994. There are two major documents in this collection that together provide a broad general coverage of Lur ethnography: Black-Michaud, 1986, no. 3, and Mortensen, 1993, no. 4. The Black-Michaud study covers the period from 1920-1975 and deals with the relationship of pastoral nomads and sedentary villagers living in close proximity to one another in Luristan Province. Emphasis in this work is on economic production of both groups and changes that have taken place in Lur society in the 1970s. The Mortensen volume deals with the history, society, and material culture of the Lur pastoralists living in the regions of Hulailan and Bala Gariveh in Luristan Province from approximately 9000 B.C. to 1979. Much of the data on material culture are based on the ethnographic collections and photographs by C.G. Eeilberg in 1935 and Lennant Edelberg in 1964. Amanallah i Baharvand (1988, no. 2) provides a description of the Lur tribal divisions and geographical distribution in the heavily populated provinces of Luristan, Bakhtiari, Kuh Gilu, Boir Ahmad, and Fars, Iran. In addition the author also provides background information on the etymology of the term "Lur", the language of the Lur people, and their ethnic affiliation and culture history. Amanolahi's work is a collection of tales, fables, and folk poetry (Amanolahi, 1986, no. 5). The two studies by Friedl (1989, 1997, nos. 6 and 7), present detailed analyses of the roles of women and children in the village society of Deh Koh, Fars Province, Iran. Bawer (1954, no. 1) is a brief ethnography of the tribes inhabiting the Kuhgalu region of Iran.

This culture summary is based on the article "Lur" by Ronald Johnson in the Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 9, Africa and the Middle East, John Middleton and Amal Rassam, eds. 1995. It was revised and expanded with the addition of the Synopsis and indexing notes by John Beierle in June, 2005. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co. We thank Daniel Bradburd for bibliographical advice and we also thank William Beeman and Lois Beck for providing general advice on cultures in Iran.

• ABRU - honor - use "ETHICS (577)", and "SOCIAL CONTROL (626)"

• Agro - pastoral combines - use "SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS AND GROUPS, (571)", and "COOPERATIVE ORGANIZATION (474)"

• ASA - a sacred staff - use "SACRED OBJECTS AND PLACES (778)"

• ATABEG - military territorial governor - use "TERRITORIAL HIERARCHY (631)"

• BARAKA - a blessing or divine grace - use "SACRED OBJECTS AND PLACES (778)"

• BAZAARI - influential tradesmen - use "MERCANTILE BUSINESS (441)", and "CLASSES (565)"

• Brokerage - use "AGENCY (676)"

• Capitalist patron - - use "SOCIAL RELATIONSHIPS AND GROUPS (571)" and OWNERSHIP AND CONTROL OF CAPITAL (471)"

• CHUPAN - shepherd - use "PASTORAL ACTIVITIES (233)", and "LABOR SUPPLY AND EMPLOYMENT (464)"

• GASSA - an accident - use "LUCK AND CHANCE (777)", and "BODILY INJURIES (752)"

• GIVEH - a cloth shoe - use "NORMAL GARB (291)"; manufacture of , use "CLOTHING MANUFACTURE (294)"

• HUNA - tent or household - use "HOUSEHOLD (592)"

• IL - a political group composed of several genealogically distinct subtribes; a tribe (see TAIFEH) - use "TRIBE AND NATION (619)"

• IMAMZADEH - a holy individual or shrine dedicated to him - use PROPHETS AND ASCETICS (792)", and "SACRED OBJECTS AND PLACES (778)"

• KASHK - small, sun-dried curd cakes - use "DIET (262)"

• KATKHODA - head of a patrilineage or nomadic camp - use "COMMUNITY HEADS (622)", and "LINEAGES (613)"

• KHAN (KHAVANIN) - the upper classes; the hereditary chief of each tribal group - use "CLASSES (565)", CHIEF EXECUTIVE (643)", and "TRIBE AND NATION (619)"

• KHISH (KHISHSWAN)" - kinsmen or relatives - use "KIN RELATIONSHIPS (602)"

• KULA - a summer hut - use "DWELLINGS (342)"

• Lumpen Proletariat - use "CLASSES (565)"

• LUTI - an outcast group of itinerant musicians and artisans - use "CLASSES (565)"

• MAST - yoghurt - use "DAIRYING (234)"

• MASTI-I DUGH - a skin bag - use "UTENSILS (415)", and "ANIMAL BY PRODUCTS (237)"

• MULLA - a priest - use "PRIESTHOOD (793)"

• NUKAR - servant - use "DOMESTIC SERVICE (357)"

• OULAD - a federation of localized kinship groupings; a sublineage - use "LINEAGES (613)"

• PIR - an elder or holy man - use "STATUS AND TREATMENT OF THE AGED (888)", and "PROPHETS AND ASCETICS (792)"

• QANAT - a type of irrigation system - use "AGRICULTURAL SCIENCE (242)", and "WATER SUPPLY (312)"

• RAYYAT - peasant - use "CLASSES (565)"

• RISH SEFID - white beard, head of a sublineage - use "LINEAGES (613)"

• RUMI - a pastoral herding section - use "TRIBE AND NATION (619)", "SETTLEMENT PATTERNS (361)", and "COMMUNITY STRUCTURE (621)"

• - SEYD (SEYYID) - a descendent of the prophet - use "PROPHETS AND ASCETICS (792)"

• Shah - a ruler of Iran - use "CHIEF EXECUTIVE (643)"

• TA'ROF - polite speech - use "ETHICS (577)", and "ETIQUETTE (576)"

• TAIFEH (TAYEFAH) - the tribe - use "TRIBE AND NATION (619)"

• TIREH - patrilineage - use "LINEAGES (613)"

• ULAMA - a learned man - use "STATUS, ROLE, AND PRESTIGE (554)"

• VALIS - ruling dynasties - use "TRADITIONAL HISTORY (173)", and "CHIEF EXECUTIVE (643)"

• ZEMGAS - the semi-subterranean winter dwelling of the Lur - use "DWELLINGS (342)"

Amanolahi, Sekandar. Tribes of Iran. Vol. 1, The Tribes of Luristan, Bakhtiari, Kuh Gilu, and Mamasani. New Haven: Human Relations Area Files. 1988.

Barth, Fredrik. Nomadism in the Mountain and Plateau Areas of South West Asia. In Problems of the Arid Zone, 341-355. Proceedings of the Paris Symposium on the Problems of the Arid Zone (1960). Paris: UNESCO. 1960.

Black-Michaud, Jacob. Sheep and land: the economics of power in a tribal society. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986.

Eickelman, Dale F. The Middle East: An Anthropological Approach. 2nd ed. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall. 1989.

Ethnologue: Languages of the World. 15th edition. Retrieved June 14, 2005. From http://www.ethnologue.com.

Fazel, G. Reza. Lur. In Muslim Peoples: A World Ethnographic Survey, edited by Richard V. Weekes, 446-451. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. 1984.

Fazel, G. Reza. Lurs of Iran. Cultural Survival Quarterly 9(1): 65-69. 1985.

Grimes, Barbara F. Ethnologue: Languages of the World. Dallas: Summer Institute of Linguistics. 1988.

Gordon, Raymond G., Jr., (ed.) Ethnologue: Languages of the World, Fifteenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online Version: http://www.ethnologue.com/.

Mortensen, Inge Demant. Nomads of Luristan. New York, London: Thames and Hudson, 1993.