Kashmiri

Ankur Datta

Kashmir, Kasmira, Kasheer

The Kashmiri people are identified in terms of their residence and/or point of origin within the Kashmir Valley, and by the language they speak.[1] The Kashmir Valley or Vale of Kashmir is flanked by the Pir Panjal range to the southeast, and to the northeast by the Himalayan range. The valley has a total area of 15,498 km², is 135 km long and 32 km wide, and is 1,620 meters above sea level.

The people of Kashmir comprise mostly Muslims who account for 97.16% of the population; Hindus (better known as Kashmiri Pandits) and Sikhs account for 1.84% and 0.88% of the population, respectively. There are prominent populations of Kashmiris in various parts of India and Pakistan. Since 1990, the majority of Kashmiri Pandits can be found outside Kashmir. Prominent Kashmiri diaspora communities are also present in the United States of America and in Europe, especially the United Kingdom. As a whole, the Kashmiri diaspora consists of economic migrants, refugees, and displaced persons.

There are also significant populations in Kashmir of Gujjars and Bakerwals, who are pastoral nomads. These two groups migrate seasonally across the state of Jammu and Kashmir. The Gujjars and Bakerwals follow Islam. Gujjars have been recognized as falling in two subgroups: Jamindars who are engaged in agriculture and hence are settled, and Dodhi who are pastoralists (Saran 2003). Many Gujjars have become sedentary since the middle of the twentieth century, with the development of the modern state in Jammu and Kashmir (see Rao 1998).

In the 2011 Census of India the population of the Kashmir Valley was 6,907,622 with a population density of 450/km^(²).

Koshur (Kashmiri) was written first in the Sharada script (third century BC). Koshur has also been written in the Devanagari and Perseo-Arabic scripts. A Roman script was developed by missionaries in the early nineteenth century, for translations of the Old and New Testaments of the Bible into Koshur. In the time of the Hindu kingdoms the language of state and business was Sanskrit. Under sultanate rule Persian replaced Sanskrit, until the advent of the Dogra kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir when Urdu was made the official state language, which it remains in Indian-administered Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistani-administered Azad Kashmir. English also has become a language of creative and professional expression. The impact of other languages can be seen most obviously with both Muslim and Pandit Kashmiris of the diaspora.

Kashmiris speak Koshur. There is a distinction sometimes made between gama (village) koshur spoken in rural Kashmir and shahar (city) koshur as spoken in the city of Srinagar. While Koshur is located in the Indo-Aryan branch of Indo-European languages, early scholars such as George Grierson placed Koshur as belonging to the Dardic group of languages: related to languages spoken in the region that covers Northern Kashmir, Chitral and Swat, and distinct from Indo-Aryan languages. Later scholars such as Georg Morgenstierne disproved this and placed Dardic languages in the Indo-Aryan group. In practice, Koshur drew from Sanskritic and Persian traditions (see Kachru 2008).

Unlike many parts of the South Asian subcontinent, the history of the Kashmir Valley, especially of the pre-medieval period, was documented by Kashmiri chroniclers, notably Kalhana who wrote the Rajatarangini or “The River of Kings” in the twelfth century. Kalhana’s Rajatarangini continued to be developed through the fifteenth century by chroniclers such as Jonaraja and Srivara. The text, written in Sanskrit and in verse form, chronicled the Hindu and Buddhist periods of the Kashmir Valley and defined the land of Kashmir, approximating the contemporary boundaries of the valley. It also records a list of Hindu Kings and mentions groups such as the Damara, who were landlords and wielded great political power. The importance of these records was recognized by visitors such as Al-Biruni in the eleventh century and later on by European visitors, like François Bernier in the seventeenth century whose account gave rise to modern versions of Kashmiri history such as that written by Walter Roper Lawrence in the late nineteenth century. The series of the Rajatarangini follows the history of Kashmir through the period of Hindu kings, and continues to the advent of Islam in Kashmir and the establishment of a sultanate. The early history of Kashmir walks a fine line between chronicle and myth, especially the Nilamata Purana, which is considered the earliest text by authors of the Rajatarangini, Persian chroniclers, European visitors, and modern writers in the twentieth century. As a document, the Rajatarangini requires a reading that treats it as a historical and literary text. Nevertheless, this chronicle maps onto the geography of the Kashmir Valley (see Lawrence 2005; Kaul 2018).

The advent of Islam was an important shift in the politics and demographic composition of Kashmir. Rinchana, a Tibetan prince who seized power, converted to Islam following an invasion by the Tartar warlord Dulucha in 1320, ending the rule of Suhadeva, the last Hindu king of Kashmir. The spread of Islam in Kashmir was facilitated by the advent of sultanate rule and, especially, by Sufi missionaries. The first of the prominent Sufi masters was Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani of the Kubrawi order who came to Kashmir in 1384. Other prominent groups included the Suhrawardis, and the Rishis who perhaps played the most important role in the spread of Islam in Kashmir and gave rise to a form distinctive to valley (see Khan 1994; Zutshi 2004). Rule by Kashmiri sultans continued until the conquest of the valley and its incorporation into the Mughal Empire in 1586. Mughal rule in Kashmir lasted until the 1750s, gradually weakening after the invasion of India by the Persian Emperor Nader Shah in 1738. In 1753 the Kashmir Valley was conquered by an Afghan army, becoming part of the Durrani Empire. This period ended when the valley was again conquered in 1820, this time by the Kingdom of Punjab, ruled by the Sikh king Ranjit Singh. The period of Afghan and Sikh rule is regarded to have been a time of great hardship and oppression for Kashmiris. Around this time the Kashmir Valley began to connect to larger global processes, by attracting the attention of European visitors like George Forster and Georg Buhler, and through growth in the export of shawls throughout South Asia and Europe (Zutshi 2009). Even before the arrival of European Colonialism, however, the Kashmir Valley was already connected to Central Asia, especially by trade relations with regions like Tibet. The Kashmir Valley historically represents a permeable zone between Central and South Asia, drawing on both regions.

The period of Dogra rule was marked by the establishment of a modern colonial state, with its bureaucracy, military forces, law enforcement apparatus, markets, and economy. Yet this period was marked by a great sense of regional inequalities and discontent in Kashmir (see Rai 2004). In 1931, the Kashmir Valley was affected for the first time by mass protest against the dominance of the Dogras and Punjabis in state bureaucracy as well as the long history of discrimination against Muslims by Sikh and Dogra Hindu rulers (Behera 2000:45). The demonstrations were accompanied by demands for reserved positions in the state bureaucracy for underrepresented Kashmiris (Zutshi 1986:7, 205-208). From this period onwards, Dogra rule was consistently challenged by a popular movement emerging in the Kashmir Valley, spearheaded by an organization known as the Muslim Conference led by Sheikh Mohammed Abdullah, a Kashmiri Muslim educator and activist. The Muslim Conference at first represented the interests of Muslims in the kingdom, especially in Kashmir. By 1939 the Muslim Conference eventually transformed into the National Conference to be more representative of the population. While senior leaders of the National Conference like Sheikh Abdullah shared a close relationship with the Indian National Congress, it was a party with regional aspirations directed primarily against Maharajah and Dogra domination in Kashmir, culminating in the Quit Kashmir movement in the 1940s, which articulated an identity drawing on claims of both region and religion.

Following the end of British rule in India and the birth of the Indian and Pakistani nation-states, the status of Jammu and Kashmir as a princely state came into question. With its Muslim majority population, the kingdom was expected to accede to Pakistan, although the King of Jammu and Kashmir was Hindu. Alongside such questions of nationality, tensions internal to the kingdom persisted until reports emerged in 1947 of an uprising against the king in Poonch, located in the mountains between the Jammu plains and the Kashmir Valley (see Robinson 2013). Soon, an invasion began from the west involving tribal groups, later supported by the Pakistani Army. In 1948 this developed into the first clash between Indian and Pakistani military forces; the king of Jammu and Kashmir signed an instrument of accession with the Government of India, following which the Indian army was dispatched to support the king’s forces. Jammu and Kashmir’s accession to India ostensibly acknowledges a special relationship between the state and India with the passing of Article 370 in the Indian constitution. As per this article, the state government of Jammu and Kashmir held autonomy in all spheres of administration except in communications, defense and foreign affairs. This enabled the passage of land reforms in 1953, which remains one of the largest initiatives in the redistribution of agricultural land in South Asian history. Sheikh Abdullah had become the first Prime Minister of Kashmir and the most important source of support for the Indian state in Kashmir. However, the possibility of a Kashmir independent from both Pakistan and India was entertained by a growing constituency calling itself the Plebiscite Front. This group based its politics on a promise made by Nehru to allow for a plebiscite in the state for its inhabitants to decide if they want to accede to India or Pakistan. From the point of view of the Indian state, a closer integration of Jammu and Kashmir into the Indian federal system was desired. In 1953 Sheikh Abdullah was placed under arrest by the Indian government for plotting the separation of the state from India. Throughout this process the relationship between Kashmiris and the Indian state remained flawed. Many Kashmiri leaders were removed from office if their politics lay at odds with the Indian state (see Puri 1995). Kashmiri politicians associated with the Indian state from 1948-1987 curbed any local and regional opposition, with full sanction from New Delhi. A key event was the state elections of 1987, won by an alliance between the National Congress (NC) and the Indian National Congress (INC), defeating the opposition parties represented by a group from Kashmir, the Muslim United Front (MUF). It is now understood that the MUF was leading the polls and that the result in favor of the electoral alliance of the NC and the INC indicates that the elections were rigged (Bose 1997:42-46).

Archaeological records trace the early history of Kashmir back to 3000 BCE, when the valley was inhabited by groups such as the Naga. The valley is at the crossroads and meeting point between Central and South Asia. According to the Nilamata Purana, the earliest text on Kashmir, the name is said to be another name for Uma, the consort of the Hindu deity Shiva. According to this origin myth the Kashmir Valley was a lake that was inhabited by a demon called Jalodhbhava. The lake was drained at the command of the Hindu god Vishnu. Another version builds the myth further: when the Hindu gods Vishnu and Shiva are unable to defeat Jalodhbhava they pray to the goddess Sharika. Taking form as a mynah bird, Sharika picks up a pebble in her beak which she drops above Jalodhbhava. As the pebble falls, it becomes a mountain that crushes the demon, forming Hari Parbat, a hill that dominates the skyline of the Kashmiri capital of Srinagar.

The Kashmir Valley came under colonial rule following the conclusion of the Anglo-Sikh wars in 1846, when the East-India Company defeated the armies of the Kingdom of Punjab, thereby consolidating control in India. Rather than becoming a part of British India, the Kashmir Valley came under the rule of Raja Gulab Singh, the Dogra chieftain of Jammu and former vassal of the King of Punjab, when he established his military credentials by aiding the Punjabi court in capturing the areas of Baltistan and Ladakh. During the Anglo-Sikh war, Gulab Singh did not come to the aid of Punjab and his neutrality was rewarded by being made Maharaja of the new kingdom of Jammu and Kashmir, made up of Jammu, Gilgit, Baltistan, Ladakh, and the Kashmir Valley which was sold to the Dogras for 7.5 million rupees. Consequently, Kashmir became part of a patchwork state ruled by the Dogra Dynasty (1846-1947). The Dogra kings enjoyed considerably greater autonomy than other so-called princely states in British India (see Rai 2004).

An insurgency and a movement for independence from the Indian state began in 1989. Different militant groups emerged, such as the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front, followed later by groups such as the Hizbul Mujahideen and Lashkar-i-Tayyeba. The Indian state’s response has been to fortify existing military installations and deploy more troops. The security regime that has been in operation since then involves the state police, paramilitary forces of the Indian state, and the Indian Army. The buildup of troops and the establishment of security bases, facilities, and structures has resulted in the militarization of the landscape, with 650,000 to 700,000 troops serving in Kashmir, for a soldier-to-civilian ration of nearly one-to-ten. A displacement of Kashmiri Pandits took place in 1990, and over a period of a few months the vast majority of them fled to Jammu, New Delhi, and other parts; many have lived in exile ever since. This displacement remains controversial as it is seen by some as the targeting of a particular community by militant groups; by others it is considered to have been engineered by the Indian state to discredit the movement (Evans 2002).

The capital city of Srinagar has the largest population, at 1,273,312 within its metropolitan area (Census of India 2011). Srinagar has its own municipal corporation. Other major urban areas include Anantnag (also known as Islamabad), Shopian, Budgam, and Baramulla. Administratively, the Kashmir Valley is divided into the following districts: Srinagar, Anantnag, Pulwama, Kupwara, Kulgam, Budgam, Ganderbal, Bandipora, Shopian, and Baramulla.

Agriculture plays an important role in the economic life and subsistence of the Kashmir Valley. Due to the snowy winters, agricultural activity peaks during the periods before and after winter. As of 2016, irrigated land in Kashmir totaled 247,000 hectares. The main products include rice, maize, cotton, saffron, tobacco, millet, and pulses; among them rice is the most important. Important cash crops include saffron, apples, and other orchard produce. Other crops include wheat, barley, poppy, rapeseed, flax, and beans. Subsistence also includes animal husbandry and a range of green vegetables such as aubergine, collard greens, and nadru (lotus stem). There is also a prominent sericulture industry in Kashmir.

Kashmiris are involved in the modern economy at all levels, from the civil services to labor in factories and service industries both in the formal and informal sectors. The state remains an important source of employment in the formal sector of Kashmir. Tourism is one of the most prominent sectors of the Kashmiri economy, involving formal and informal labor (see Directorate of Economics and Statistics 2016).

Handicrafts are one of the most well-known commercial activities in Kashmir. The shawl industry is said of have been established in the fifteenth century by Sultan Zayn-ul-Abidin with weavers brought from Turkistan. Shawls became one of the most well-known exports of Kashmir, valued in Europe (shawl production is featured in accounts by European travelers from the late eighteenth century onwards) and, especially, across various Indian kingdoms and empires as items of clothing prized for their craftsmanship and design, serving as status symbols. The shawl industry primarily involved traders known as karkandars and weavers known as shaal bafs. Other well-known Kashmiri handicrafts comprise a variety of embroidery techniques (sozni, crewel, phool kari, chain stitch, zari), and papier mâché.

While Kashmir is included within South Asia, historically its position as a crossroads between South Asia and Central Asia enabled a long history of trade and travel with regions like Tibet (see Bamzai 1980; Rabbani 1981). With European colonialism and later with the emergence of modern nation-states after decolonization, the valley has been forced to have stronger social, political, and economic connections to South Asia at the expense of other regional links.

Like other regional societies, Kashmiri society is patrilineal and patriarchal. Hence the division of labor in the domestic sphere is clearly defined and placed under the care of women, whereas the public sphere is a space occupied by men. Over the past several decades there have been significant changes due to the spread of education and greater political awareness, and more women are involved in public life. Many work in both private and public sector institutions at all levels. Many prominent political figures from across the political divide in Kashmir currently are women.

As a constituent of Jammu and Kashmir, Kashmir follows state rule of law that has roots in the Dogra kingdom; the 1927 Hereditary State Subject order defines the privileges of citizenship, rules regarding employment in government, and the ownership and use of land. These remain in force under Article 370 of the Indian constitution which is supposed to guarantee special status for Jammu and Kashmir. As per the Jammu and Kashmir constitution of 1956, only those defined as permanent residents can own and inherit land (see Noorani 2011).

Land tenure in Kashmir has a long and complex history. Between AD 515-1320 land grants or agraharas were distributed among landlords called damaras. These grants conferred entitlement to revenues generated rather than actual ownership. During the sultanate period from 1320-1586 the state maintained land rights through the khalisa process. Khalisa refers to land owned by the state. The state was entitled to collect tax revenue from villages that fell in these strips of land (Kaw 2008: 211). These practices persisted throughout the periods of Mughal, Afghan, and Sikh rule. Land tenure was defined by the tension between the granting of access to land revenue and products, which could be hereditary as opposed actual ownership of land. The advent of the Dogra Kingdom in the mid-nineteenth century changed the land tenure system used in the period before. Those who were bestowed land by the king in the form of jagirs became known as jagirdars, who had rights over revenue and land ownership. Officials of the state granted land right privileges of revenue collection became known as chakdars. This system continued until later in the nineteenth century under Dogra rule.

The first series of significant policy initiatives taken by the state with regard to land tenure came in 1887; most notably in 1889 under the advisement of Walter Roper Lawrence during his time in the Indian Civil Service, in a settlement granting permanent and hereditary rights of occupancy to the lawful inhabitants of the land. Nevertheless, much land remained in royal ownership. In 1931, when the movement against the Dogra king began, one of the demands was to shift ownership of land from the king to the tiller (Kaw 2008). With the end of British colonialism and the Dogra kingdom, the new government of Jammu and Kashmir initiated land reforms that saw the redistribution of large tracts of land. Jagirs were abolished, followed by the establishment of a ceiling on land ownership (Aslam 1977).

For the Kashmiri Pandits kinship follows three levels: the chulah or hearth (i.e. household), the kotamb or larger extended family, and the kol or lineage group (see Madan 2002). Kashmiri Pandits are patrilineal and the link between all three levels is based on agnatic descent. A larger sense of community is framed by the concept of baradari, which is found across faith communities and can be translated as brotherhood or class. Baradari can be defined as “endogamous categories within their caste, and also the primary vehicle of strategic marriage alliances and caste mobility” (Werbner 2015:30). Baradari is also understood to be local or regional, especially when it comes to the formation of marital alliances and as networks of support during times of need and distress. Changes in baradari have been observed, especially for those related through blood and marriage. With growing migration from rural Kashmir to urban areas, especially to the suburbs of Srinagar, among Kashmiri Muslims there is a greater reliance reported on friends, peers and new neighbors as compared to relations with kin (Devadas 2013). A similar process can be seen for Pandits outside Kashmir who form new relations wherever they are located, as migration has resulted in the diffusion of kinship networks.

Common kinship terms are bab/mol–father, maej–mother, boi–brother, beni–sister, budbab–grandfather, and kolai–wife,

Marriage customs vary from group to group. For Kashmiri Muslims, most marriages are reportedly endogamous, i.e. marriage takes place within kinship and occupation groups. Parallel- and cross-cousin marriages also take place; a common feature of marriage in other Muslim societies in South Asia. As with Kashmiri Pandits, most Muslim marriages are arranged by the families, although in recent times greater choice is being demonstrated by brides and bridegrooms (see Dabla 2010 “The Changing Patterns…”). The bridegroom offers the bride a mahr or bride price. The occurrence of a dowry has also been reported in Kashmir. The day before a marriage, the bridegroom’s family sends menz (henna) to the bride for mehendi (body decoration). Residence is either patrilocal or matrilocal, though the former is far more common.

Kashmiri Pandits are exogamous, as marriage cannot take place between men and women of the same gotra or lineage. However, sub-caste endogamy is practiced between karkuns (those with secular occupations) and gors (priestly caste). Marriages are also expected to be exogamous in terms of location (see Madan 2002). Kinship practices are patrilineal, and women accept the gotra of husbands at the time of marriage. Like Kashmiri Muslims, most Pandit marriages are arranged by the families. Marriages have been recorded which involve a dowry, and have both sanskritic or pan-Hindu and non-sanskritic or regional ritual practices (though the Pandits do not distinguish between the two). While there is an exchange of gifts between wife-givers and wife-takers, there is no evidence of a bride price. Wife-takers often hold a higher status amongst Pandits.

If marriage partners are unavailable in Kashmir, it is not uncommon to seek brides or bridegrooms from the culturally-similar Kishtwar district to the south. This has been observed for both the Hindus and Muslims of Kashmir. However, in popular understanding marriage partners from Kishtwar hold lower status to those from Kashmir.

The basic domestic unit is the hearth or chulah, comprised of a nuclear or extended family (see Madan 2002). It essentially identifies the domestic unit as persons eating food from a particular kitchen.

Traditional practices of inheritance followed patrilineal lines, whereby property would be partitioned between sons. If a male successor was not present, property would be divided between collateral agnates. The customary practices have changed over time. As per modern law, a distinction cannot be made between sons and daughters concerning inheritance.

Pandits follow similar rituals to mark the transition of infants into members of society. Pandit newborns undergo a purificatory bath or sran-sondar, followed by the kahanethar on the eleventh day of a baby’s birth, which includes the naming of the baby (Misri 1985). Girls undergo a further ceremony called kaan-chomban when their ears are pierced. For boys the most important ritual is the yajnopavit or mekhal ceremony, when they can first wear the sacred thread worn by Brahmin men. This ceremony marks the point at which they can proceed to other stages in the life cycle, such as marriage.

Apart from rituals that mark the life cycle, Kashmiri children are gradually socialized as they get older and face directives, incentives, and punishments/admonishments for proper and improper behavior (see Misri 1989).

Prior to the insurgency and movement for independence of Kashmir from Indian administration in 1989 and the displacement of the Pandits from Kashmir in 1990, Pandits and Muslims were socialized in mutual interactions as non-hostile others—as neighbors and as friends. This has changed with the departure of the Pandits from Kashmir and the continuation of conflict since then.

Education is taken seriously by Kashmiris. Literacy rates for Pandits are high; most have attended formal schooling and a significant number pursue university degrees. Muslims have also made great strides in education and literacy compared to colonial times. The vast majority of Kashmiris attend schools run by the state. There are many private schools, including historic institutions such as the Burn Hall and Tyndal-Biscoe schools in Srinagar.

For Muslims, the seventh day after a birth is marked as swander, when mother and baby are bathed and named. A prominent event for female children is zare kaseni or piercing of the ears, which takes place at about four years of age. For boys the most important ritual is khutna or circumcision, a step toward Muslim manhood. This takes place by the time a boy is three years old (see Fayaz 2008).

While caste is not a part of Muslim social structure, in practice a notion of zat has been documented in Kashmir. Zat loosely corresponds to Hindu notions of caste or jati, whereby distinction and status is associated with occupational groups. Zat may best be considered to constitute “essence.” Although like jati it may refer to birth or occupational group, it does not necessarily mean that in contemporary use it will always map onto current occupational practice (Madan 1972: 109-110). There are different zats—including Baig, and Sayyids who claim lineage to the Prophet Mohammed—that are associated with religious functions, and are expected to have a high socio-economic status. Sheikhs are converts to Islam in Kashmir. Other groups include Wanis who are associated with trade, and Dars associated with land ownership. Another group known as the Hanjis is usually engaged in professions on the Dal and Nigeen lake waterfronts, especially operating shikaras, gondola-like boats characteristic of the region (Bhan and Trisal 2016). There have been significant changes in the social status of different Muslim groups, as once socio-economically marginalized groups have come to enjoy greater representation and power (see Dabla 2010 “Castes in the Kashmir Valley”). Caste is often reflected in surnames such as Sayid, Wani and Dhar for the Muslims. Interestingly, some surnames are common to both Pandits and Muslims, such as Bhatt, Dhar or Dar, Pandit, and Pandita, among others.

Caste operates in different ways for Hindus and Muslims in Kashmir. Kashmiri Pandits are a community of Saraswat Brahmins and hence enjoy a high status in the Hindu caste hierarchy. Among the Pandits a distinction existed between two sub-castes: karkuns who were engaged in secular professions, and gors who served as priests. Early scholarship mentions the presence of another Hindu group, the Buhuris (see Madan 2002).

Since 1989, with the advent of an independence movement and an insurgency, other prominent political organizations have developed, including the All Party Hurriyet Conference or Tehreek-e-Hurriyet, an umbrella organization of different parties working for Kashmiri independence such as the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front. Political parties such as the National Conference and the People’s Democratic Party are active in Indian administered Kashmir, and participate in the Jammu and Kashmir Legislative Assembly as well as in the Indian Parliament. Political representation for Kashmiri Pandits includes numerous groups such All State Kashmiri Pandit Sabha, Hindu Welfare Sabha, and Kashmiri Pandit Sangarsh Samiti. Outside Kashmir, numerous diasporic associations in South Asia, Europe and North America provide spaces for social events, networks, the arrangement of marriages, and limited political representation.

The Kashmir Valley has been shaped by various political processes since the nineteenth and, especially, from the mid-twentieth century forward, producing a range of forms of political organization representing different orientations that draw variously on traditional and customary practices, and on the modern forms of the nation-state.

As part of the Indian-administered state of Jammu and Kashmir, the Kashmir Valley follows mainstream forms of political organization. This includes village panchayats or councils, legislators elected to the state assembly, and representatives elected to the Indian Parliament.

Social control for Kashmiris involves local communities and extended kin. Families are the primary group to take care of and discipline members. Otherwise, institutions such as village councils and even local police may play a role. Social control is also exercised in terms of age and gender, with older men traditionally having some control on the actions of younger men, women, boys and girls. With the current conflict, institutions and instruments of the state are involved in violent political and social control, including surveillance involving the police, intelligence agencies, and Indian security forces. Additionally, various political organizations and insurgent groups may provide some forms of control over the behavior and actions of Kashmiris.

In 2008, there was an agreement between the Indian and Jammu and Kashmir State governments to transfer land to the Shri Amarnathji Shrine Board trust which manages the annual pilgrimage to the Amarnath caves. The land was transferred for the construction of facilities for Hindu pilgrims, which was opposed in Kashmir. Following the transfer, large-scale protests against it broke out in Kashmir, in which the youth had a prominent presence. The protests of 2008 were notable for their scale, and became identified with the figure of the “stone pelter” challenging the Indian state’s armed troops by hurling stones and other projectiles. Protests of a similar form took place in 2010. Also striking about these protests was the absence of any militant group or political party. Both episodes were severely suppressed by the state. Similar protests took place in 2010 upon the killing of a Kashmiri youth by security forces. In 2016 Burhan Wani, a young Kashmiri man who had joined the Hizbul Mujahiddin, was killed by security forces. His death triggered large-scale protests across Kashmir. The protests were responded to by the security forces, who fired at crowds with non-lethal pellet guns that nevertheless blinded many protestors and bystanders. Since the killing of Burhan Wani there has been a renewed surge in recruitment of young Kashmiris by militant groups. The Kashmiri Pandits who were displaced early in the conflict remain outside Kashmir. Many Pandits who resided in camp colonies in Jammu have been resettled in a single township in the outskirts of Jammu (see Datta 2017). As the conflict persists in Kashmir with no resolution in sight, the suffering faced by Kashmiris continues both inside and outside of the valley.

The first half of the 1990s is commonly considered to have been the most violent phase of the ongoing conflict. Elections to the legislative assembly were held only in 1996. Jammu and Kashmir state has alternated between periods of state assembly rule and governor’s rule, in which the governor is appointed head of state by the Indian government in accordance with Indian federalism. Alongside the insurgency and counterinsurgency operations there have been events that have led to the perpetration of violation and massacres, most notably the 1991 Kunon-Poshpora mass rapes perpetrated by Indian soldiers, and massacres of religious minorities such as the ones in Chittisinghpora in 2000 and Wandhama in 1998. Such notable events aside, the years since 1990 have resulted in a sense of a slow grind, characterized by cycles of curfews, strikes, and raids. There have been reports of men disappearing after being picked up by security forces. While militancy attracts a lot of attention, there are independence parties and activists that eschew violence in their push for azaadi or independence. The end of the 1990s and the early 2000s saw a gradual reduction in violence.

The Kashmiri Pandits are Saivite Hindus. Kashmir is closely associated with the northern school of Shaivism. Kashmiri Hinduism also is notable for temples and shrines specific to the region. While certain pilgrimages in Kashmir are part of the pan-Hindu network (such as the pilgrimage to Amarnath Caves), many are particular to the region. These temples include the Sharika Temple in Srinagar, and the Kheer Bhavani Temple not far outside the city. The deities of these shrines are Kashmiri interpretations of the goddess Durga or the mother goddess.

Islam is practiced by the majority of Kashmiris. The majority of Kashmiri Muslims are Sunni; a minority are Shia. Kashmiri Islam is distinguished by a history of Sufism. Apart from major mosques, there are many important Sufi shrines throughout the valley. These include the Dargah of Makhdoom Sahib and the Shah-i-Hamadani Dargah, otherwise known as Khanqah-e-Moula. One of the most well-known Sufi shrines was the Chrar-e-Sharief, dedicated to Sheikh Noor ud-din (also known as Nund Rishi), which burned down in the early days of the current conflict.

Sheikh Noor ud-din is considered an exemplar of syncretic practices, drawing on Islam and relating it to local non-Islamic practices, and acquiring the title of rishi or sage which is otherwise associated with Hinduism (Khan 1994). He was influenced by Lalleshwari, a Saivite mystic also known as Lal Ded; it is even said he was suckled by Lalleshwari. Lalleshwari is still revered for her verses called Lal Vaakh, listened to and recited by both Kashmiri Pandits and Muslims.

Muslim society in Kashmir is distinctive for being headed by one mirwaiz who leads prayers at the Jama Masjid mosque in Srinagar while another is based at the Khanqah-e-Moula mosque, also in Srinagar. Both positions are traced to a single lineage. The position of mirwaiz as a religious leader is inherited and has passed down through generations.

The most important festivals for Muslims are Eid al-Ada and Eid al-Fitr. Eid al-Fitr follows the period of fasting associated with Ramadan. Muharam is observed by Shias in Kashmir. During the year, ceremonies are held in relation to important shrines. For example, a gathering is held on Id-e-Milad-un-Nabi at the Hazratbal Shrine, where a relic of the Prophet Mohammed is kept. The most important festival for the Kashmiri Pandits is Shivratri. Other festivals include Janamashtami. An important occasion is Navreh or the New Year.

The visual arts in Kashmir include handicrafts such as papier mâché and woodworking, as well as other media.

There is a long history of folk music in Kashmir. Theater is the most prominent performing art, notably the Bhand Pather , traveling entertainers who publicly perform plays with music, frequently employing satire.

Kashmiri contributions to literary arts are also significant, from the medieval verses of Lalleshwari (also known as Lal Ded) to modern poetic forms in a number of languages such as Koshur (Kashmiri), Hindi, Urdu, and English. Prominent poets include Ghulam Ahmed Mahjoor, Dina Nath Nadim and Agha Shahid Ali. Notable modern short story writers and novelists include Akhtar Mohiuddin, Chandrakanta, Siddhartha Gigoo, and Mirza Waheed. Since 1989 there has been a growing body of work in non-fiction and journalism, with important contributors such as Basharat Peer and Fahad Shah, who write in English.

Among Kashmiri Muslims, the Six Kalima is whispered into the ear of one about to die. A person about to die will be made to face the direction of Mecca and recite the Kalima if possible. When a Muslim dies, the body is washed and wrapped with a white cloth (kafan). The body is placed in a wooden coffin called a tabud and taken to a mosque where the jinaza or funeral prayer is recited. After the burial the family of the deceased is not permitted to cook meals for three days. On the fourth day called tsurium, a special prayer or Fateha is recited. On the tenth and fortieth day Koran Khani is observed, a recitation of verses of the Quran under the supervision of an Imam (Fayaz 2008; Srivastava 2003).

Among Kashmiri Pandits the good life is defined by the bhattil, an ideology that draws on larger Hindu notions of dharma or duty, which the householder achieves by providing for his family and observing daily rituals. As with other Hindus, karma—which can be translated as fate, and as worldly and ritual action—is significant for Pandits. One accumulates karma phal or the fruits of one’s karma over a lifetime, which will determine one’s afterlife. If one has accumulated enough merit they may break the cycle of life and attain moksha or salvation. For Pandits a good death is one attained in old age after one has lived a full life and has met the demands of dharma; those who die in accidents, conflicts, or when young and hence before their time are said to have faced akal mrityu or untimely death (see Madan 1987). Attitudes toward death have changed in Kashmir and for Kashmiris in general due to the widespread losses and disruptions of life lived in conflict and displacement. Fear of being caught in a cross-fire, being picked up by military groups, or just living in deprived and restrictive conditions present Kashmiris with the possibility of an unnatural death. In some cases the landscape becomes shaped by death in various forms, from cemeteries to sites of massacres to commemorations of martyrs (see Junaid 2013; Robinson 2013).

After the death of a Kashmiri Pandit the body is wrapped in a white cloth and cremated. Cremation is done under the supervision of a priest, who is assisted by cremation ground workers known as Doms; in Kashmir these workers tend to be Muslim. The family of the deceased observes restrictions in diet and social contact for a mourning period lasting ten to thirteen days. The final ritual is the Shraddha, after which regular social life can resume. One year after an individual’s death, Pandits may also conduct rituals at Mattan, in the southern Kashmir Valley, with offerings of prayer and worship for the propitiation of the souls of ancestors.

Practices and attitudes to death and the afterlife for Kashmiris draw on Islamic and Hindu practices.

The culture summary was written by Ankur Datta in July, 2018, aided by advice from Shonaleekha Kaul, T.N. Madan, Sobia Bhat, Eesar Mehdi, and Toru Takahashi.

Kaul, Shonaleeka (2018). The Making of Early Kashmir: Landscape and Identity in the Rajatarangini. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Werbner, Pnina (2015). “Biradari.” In Key Concepts in Modern Indian Studies, Gita Dharampal-Frick, Monika Kirloskar-Steinbach, Rachel Dwyer and Jahnavi Phalkey, eds. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Aslam, Mohammed (1977). “Land Reforms in Jammu and Kashmir.” Social Scientist 6(4): 59-64.

Kaw, Mushtaq (2008). “Land Rights in Rural Kashmir: A Study in Continuity and Change from the Late Sixteenth to Late Twentieth Centuries.” In The Valley of Kashmir: The Making and Unmaking of a Composite Culture?, Aparna Rao, ed. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 207-234.

Zutshi, Chitralekha (2004). Languages of Belonging: Islam, Regional Identity, and the Making of Kashmir. London: Hurst & Company.

Bamzai, P.N.K. (1980). Kashmir and Central Asia. New Delhi: Light & Life Publishers.

Khan, Mohammed Ishaq (1994). Kashmir’s Transition to Islam: The Role of Muslim Rishis. New Delhi: Manohar Books.

Zutshi, Chitralekha (2009). "Designed for Eternity": Kashmiri Shawls, Empire, and Cultures of Production and Consumption in Mid-Victorian Britain. Journal of British Studies 48(2): 420-440. [1] Modern anthropological and sociological research on Kashmir is a recent development, especially regarding Muslim society. Hence, information on Muslims in Kashmir remains incomplete in some respects for the time being.

Behera, Navnita Chada (2000). State, Identity & Violence: Jammu, Kashmir, and Ladakh. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers & Distributors.

Lawrence, Walter R. (2005). The Valley of Kashmir. Srinagar: Gulshan Books.

Zutshi, U.K. (1986). Emergence of Political Awakening in Kashmir. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers & Distributors.

Bhan, Mona and Nishita Trisal (2016). “Fluid Landscapes, Sovereign Nature: Conservation and Counterinsurgency in Indian-Controlled Kashmir.” Critique of Anthropology 37(1): 67-92

Madan, Triloki Nath (1972). “Religious Ideology in a Plural Society: The Muslims and Hindus of Kashmir.” Contributions to Indian Sociology New Series 6(1): 106-141.

Bose, Sumantra (1997). The Challenge in Kashmir: Democracy, Self-Determination, and a Just Peace. New Delhi: Sage Publications.

Madan, Triloki Nath (1987). Non-Renunciation: Themes and Interpretations of Hindu Culture. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Census of India (2011). Census of India, 2011: Series 2 Jammu and Kashmir. New Delhi: Office of the Registrar General & Census Commissioner, India.

Madan, Triloki Nath (2002). Family and Kinship: A study of the Pandits of Rural Kashmir. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Dabla, Bashir Ahmad (2010). “The Changing Patterns of Marriage in Kashmir. In Sociological Papers on Kashmir, Volume 1&2. Srinagar: Jay Kay Books, 273-282.

Misri, Urvashi (1985). “Child and Childhood: a Conceptual Construction.” Contributions to Indian Sociology 19(1): 115-132.

Dabla, Bashir Ahmad (2010). “Castes in the Kashmir Valley: Characterisation of Castes in the Kashmiri Muslim Society.” In Sociological Papers on Kashmir, Volume 1&2. Srinagar: Jay Kay Books, 237-262.

Misri, Urvashi (1989). “The Child and Society: A Study of Pandit Children in a Kashmiri Village.” PhD Dissertation. University of Delhi.

Datta, Ankur (2017). On Uncertain Ground: Displaced Kashmiri Pandits in Jammu and Kashmir. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Noorani, A.G. (2011). Article 370: A Constitutional History of Jammu and Kashmir. New Delhi: Oxford University Press.

Devadas, David (2013). “Inclusion and Exclusion: Emergent Social Milieus in Kashmir‘s Suburbs.” Südasien-Chronik/South Asia Chronicle 3: 111-134.

Puri, Balraj (1995). Kashmir Towards Insurgency. New Delhi: Orient Longman.

Directorate of Economics and Statistics (2016). Economic Survey 2016. Jammu and Srinagar: Government of Jammu and Kashmir.

Rabbani, G.M. (1981). Ancient Kashmir: a Historical Perspective. Srinagar: Gulshan Publishers.

Evans, Alexander (2002). “A Departure from History: Kashmiri Pandits 1990-2001.” Contemporary South Asia 11(1): 19-37.

Rai, Mridu (2004). Hindu Rulers, Muslim Subjects: Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir. London: Hurst & Co.

Fayaz, Farooq (2008). Kashmir Folklore: A Study in Historical Perspective. Srinagar: Gulshan Books.

Rao, Aparna (1998). Autonomy: Life Cycle, Gender, and Status Among Himalayan Pastoralists. New York: Berghahn Books.

Junaid, Mohamad (2013). “Death and Life Under Occupation: Space, Violence and Memory in Kashmir.” In Everyday Occupations: Experiencing Militarism in South Asia and the Middle East, Kamala Visweswaran, ed. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 158-190.

Robinson, Cabeiri de Bergh (2013). Body of Victim, Body of Warrior: Refugee Families and the Making of Kashmiri Jihadists. Berkeley: University of California Press.

Kachru, Braj B. (2008). “The Dying Linguistic Heritage of the Kashmiris: Kashmiri Literary Culture and Language.” In The Valley of Kashmir: The Making and Unmaking of a Composite Culture?, Aparna Rao, ed. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 303-338.

Saran, Anand (2003). “Gujjar.” In People of India, Volume XXV: Jammu and Kashmir. Kumar Suresh Singh, K. N. Pandita, Sukh Dev Singh Charak, and Baqr Raza Rizv, eds. New Delhi: Anthropological Survey of India and Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 373-378.

Srivastava, A.C. (2003). “Bhat (Muslim).” In People of India, Volume XXV: Jammu and Kashmir. Kumar Suresh Singh, K. N. Pandita, Sukh Dev Singh Charak, and Baqr Raza Rizv, eds. New Delhi: Anthropological Survey of India and Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 152-156.