Tupinamba

By John Beierle

Caeté (Caité), Potiguara, Tamoyo, Timino, Tupínikin.

In addition to the Tupinamba proper, the name "Tupinamba" was a collective term applied to a number of Tupí-Guarani speaking tribes such as the Caeté, Potiguara, Tamoyo, Timino, and Tupinikin, who in the sixteenth century occupied extensive strips of the Atlantic seacoast from southern São Paulo to the mouth of the Amazon River. Though now extinct, these widely dispersed tribal groups maintained a striking uniformity in language and culture.

There is little information in the literature on population figures for sixteenth-seventeenth century Tupinamba. Because of their wide geographical dispersion along the Atlantic seacoast one may speculate that the number may have been fairly large. Métraux estimates that around the end of the sixteenth century the Tupinamba occupied 27 villages on the island of Maranhão alone with a population of about 12,000 individuals. In three other districts -- Tapuytapera, Comma, and Caité -- there were approximately 35 villages with a total population of around 27,000. Numerous other villages were scattered along the Pindaré, Mearim, Itapecurú and Pará Rivers, but no specific demographic information was given on those areas (Métraux, 1948, 95). In general, the villages tended to be fairly large in size containing anywhere from 400 to 1,600 people.

The Tupinamba were speakers of the Tupí-Guarani language family. In the sixteenth-seventeenth centuries dialects of this language were spoken by the various subgroups of the Tupinamba in eastern Brazil.

The comparative similarity of the cultures and languages of the groups constituting the widely dispersed Tupinamba would seem to indicate the recency of their origins, for they represent branches of the Tupí who migrated from the interior to the coast in the sixteenth century. The earlier inhabitants of the Brazilian coast were a number of tribes referred to by the Tupinamba and Portuguese as Tapuya. The Tupí groups known as the Tupina (Tobayara) drove the Tapuya from the coastal region, but they in turn were forced to relinquish their conquest to the Tupinamba proper, and subsequently were forced to resettle in the hinterland, although small enclaves of these people still occupied pockets of territory in the coastal area.

During the four centuries following the conquest and colonization of Brazil by the Portuguese in the early sixteenth century, a great number of migrations took place by the Tupí-Guarani people. These migrations were motivated primarily by the desire to escape enslavement by the Portuguese and their belief in the existence of an earthly paradise located across the sea to the east, or in the interior to the west. These revivalistic or messianic movements, promoted by shamans or prophets, promised the return of the mythical ages and the disappearance of the Europeans. In this "golden age" the Indians were assured of immortality and eternal youth. Followers of these prophets gave up their usual activities, dedicated themselves to constant dancing, and initiated mass migrations covering vast distances in search of this mythical land of "milk and honey". As an example, in or about 1540 thousands of Tupinamba left the coast of Brazil in search of this land and arrived at Chachapoyas in Peru in 1549. In 1605, a group of Tupinamba, led by a prophet, left the region of the Pernambuco in northeastern Brazil to invade the territory of Maranhão, then held by the French, but were defeated in this attempt by the combined forces of the Portiguara (a subgroup of the Tupinamba)and the French at the Serra de Ibiapaba. Shifting alliances between several of the Tupí-speaking peoples (e.g., the Portiguara and Tobajara) and the French, Dutch, and Portuguese, eventually led to their decimation through warfare and disease (often introduced through European contact). Around 1656 the Jesuits began their campaign to Christianize the Tupinamba. In order to preach Christianity to several different tribes these missionaries learned to speak LINGUA GERAL, an invented language based on a mixture of several Tupí-Guarani languages.

There is little if any information on the Tupinamba after the mid- eighteenth century and it may be reasonably assumed that they became extinct as a viable ethnic group.

Villages were generally located on hilltops, both for better air circulation and for defensive purposes. Where villages were exposed to enemy attacks they were protected by a double stockade having embrasures for the use of archers. Approaches to the village were defended with pitfalls and caltrops (spur-like devices which were scattered on the ground to cause injury to the feet of invaders). Tupinamba villages were shifted every four or five years as the thatching on the houses began to rot or when the soil became too exhausted by over-use for further cultivation. A new village was usually established near the old one and bore the same name. Each village consisted of from four to eight large, rectangular communal houses positioned around a square plaza. In size these houses were approximately 300 feet long, by 40 feet wide, and 12 feet high, and accommodated an extended family of 100 individuals or more. Roofs were arched or vaulted and descended to the ground. The structure was thatched with the leaves of PINDO palm, PATIABA, or CAPARA (Geonoma,sp.) woven together in such a skillful manner as to be waterproof. Low doors were located at each end of the building, sometimes with one or two on the side. In the interior of the house, two wall posts marked off the living space for each family. Individual families kept fires burning day and night in each of their compartments. The center of the house was left open as a communal passageway. The head of the extended family, including his relatives and slaves (or captives), occupied the middle or some other privileged part of the structure.

Much of Tupinamba subsistence came from the cultivation of various agricultural crops. The chief crop was bitter manioc (five varieties were cultivated), followed by maize, sweet manioc, beans, pumpkins, sweet potatoes, peanuts, peppers, and pineapples. After European contact, bananas, sugarcane, and sorghum were adopted. These agricultural products were further supplemented by hunting, the collecting of wild fruits, nuts, and several varieties of insects, and at certain times of the year, by fishing, including the gathering of shellfish, particularly oysters.

Tupinamba crafts were limited in number and consisted of basketry, weaving (for the production of hammocks), pottery making, and the extensive use of feathers in the production of ornaments such as the diadems or bonnets worn by men, and cloaks composed entirely of the red feathers of the GUARA bird (Guara rubra). Necklaces, bracelets, and pendants of shell, bone, and wooden beads were also manufactured. Warriors frequently displayed necklaces made up of the teeth of their victims in warfare.

The Tupinamba constructed three distinct types of watercraft: (1) dugouts, (2) bark canoes, and (3) rafts. Dugouts were made from large logs, hollowed out by the process of burning and scraping the charred wood away. Peeling the bark in one large sheet from a suitable tree, and heating it to form its shape produced bark canoes. Rafts, generally used by fishermen, consisted of several logs of light wood bound together with creepers.

Information on Tupinamba trade is rather sparse in the literature. Apparently feathers were a commodity much sought after in intertribal trade, in addition to salt, black and white necklaces and the green stones used as lip plugs or labrets. After western contact, native foodstuffs such as manioc, were exchanged for European manufactured goods such as clothing, knives, and sickles. A major item of trade with the Europeans was in timber, especially in Brazilwood (genus Caesalpinia) that was widely used as a source of red or purple dye.

Work was divided along gender lines in Tupinamba society. Men hunted and fished, cleared the bush, burned and cleaned the ground in preparation for cultivation, made weapons and canoes, and indulged in warfare. Women prepared the meals, made flour, prepared beverages, planted and harvested the fields, spun cotton into thread, weaved hammocks, made pottery, watched over the children, and attended to other household chores.

There was no "ownership" of land in the western sense, only the right to the use of a piece of land for agricultural purposes. All property was held in common by the community and the individual who possessed any type of personal material goods had to be ready at anytime to give it up to others if they had had a greater need for the property.

According to George P. Murdock, descent among the Tupinamba was bilateral. This author also notes the absence of clans and moieties, with demes and kindreds either absent or unreported in the literature (Murdock, 1949, 223, 226, 228).

Kinship terminology was of the Eskimo type with FaSiDa and MoBrDa referred to by the same terms as parallel cousins, but were terminologically differentiated from sisters. The terms used for the two cross cousins were generally, but not always, the same (Murdock, 1949, 223).

The preferred forms of marriage among the Tupinamba were between cross cousins, or for a girl, with the maternal uncle, or lacking one, with the nearest male relative. The maternal uncle carefully supervised the conduct of his future bride, but if he did not want to marry her, his consent was required before she could marry anyone else. If the husband was other than the maternal uncle, this individual became the virtual servant of his father-in-law through a form of bride service which involved his assisting the father-in-law in a number of economic activities (e.g., house building, hunting, fishing, etc.), accompanying him in warfare, carrying his burdens, and supplying him with food and shelter. In order to secure the favor of his in-laws, the bridegroom, would assume the responsibility of revenging the death of any of his affinal relatives, sometimes by offering a prisoner captured in battle to one of his brothers-in-law who would then kill the captive thus enhancing his (the brother-in-law's) prestige in the society (Métraux, 1948, 111).

In its initial stage marriage was matrilocal, but the husband's goal was to free himself and his bride from dependence on the in-laws by settling with his wife in his own parent's longhouse. Individuals with prestige in the society, such as chiefs, could bypass matrilocalism entirely and take their wives directly to his parental home. Others could achieve the same objective by offering presents and favors to the in-laws; and any man could gain his freedom from in-law domination by marrying his daughter to his wife's brother. Once freed from the influence of the in-laws, it was possible for a man to take other wives, although the first wife always maintained a preeminent position in the household. In a polygynous union of this type each wife had separate lodging in the longhouse, her own fire, and own plot of land to cultivate. Sometimes a man's wives, many of whom were war captives, would be scattered in different villages. Polygyny was thus a source of wealth and prestige in the society.

Levirate marriage was also a common practice among the Tupinamba. A widow married her dead husband's older brother, or one of his close relatives who was then responsible for the avenging of her husband's death.

In cases where a young man was unable to find a marriageable girl, or lacked a sister or mother to cook for him, he would often take a much older woman for his first wife, discarding her when a more suitable mate became available. Divorce was easily obtainable by either spouse, and the woman, if young, would soon remarry.

As noted previously the basic domestic unit among the Tupinamba was the patrilineal extended family composed of as many as 30 individual or nuclear families all related by blood or marriage and each with their own separate quarters and hearths in the large communal house.

Children of both sexes were closely attached to their mothers until about eight years of age. Weaning took place for boys at about the age or four or five; girls around six. At or around this time boys had their lower lips pierced for a labret or lip plug. This operation was a festive occasion for both the community and other nearby friendly villages. The boys were expected not to flinch during the operation, thus showing their fortitude. Naming the child was considered a serious matter. Usually the child received the name of an ancestor, a custom associated with the belief that children were themselves reincarnated ancestors. During this early childhood period children learned adult skills by copying the activities of their parents. Fathers taught their sons to hunt and use weapons, while girls were taught by their mothers a range of skills necessary for women's work, such as spinning cotton, making hammocks, preparing foods, and making basketry and pottery. Children were neither spanked nor whipped and showed great respect for their parents.

Aside from slaves who were primarily captives from other groups, the Tupinamba were a relatively classless society. Status and rank were determined by wealth, military prowess, magical powers, and oratorical skills. The possession of a war captive, for example, earned the captor envied privileges in the society. Male captives would be kept for several months, well treated and sometimes given a wife, but eventually, on a day appointed by the village council, would be ritually killed and his body roasted and eaten by the entire village and their guests. Special parts of the body, such as the fingers and the fat around the heart, were saved for important guests. If the captive had been given a wife, she would grieve for him at first and then join in the feast. Their captors often took female captives as secondary wives or concubines, but they too were eventually sacrificed and eaten. A woman's children by a captive father were regarded as members of the enemy group and were also killed and eaten by their mother's relatives. On the other hand, a man's children, born of a captive woman, were considered as full-fledged members of the community.

Generally these captives or prisoners of wars were considered as slaves by the Tupinamba and constituted a special class in the society.

A headman who was under the authority of the village chief represented each longhouse extended family. Some villages were reported to have had anywhere from two to four chiefs, as reported in the Maranhão region of Brazil. In certain cases the powers of the chiefs were extended over a whole district encompassing many villages. The chief's authority, never questioned in wartime, was in peacetime generally subordinated to the policies of the village council. This council consisted of the heads of the extended families, elder men of the community, and famous warriors. Succession to the chieftainship was by patrilineal inheritance through the son or brother of the deceased chief.

Social control of an individual's behavior was maintained through the pressure of public opinion. Ideals of appropriate behavior in the society involved smoothness of manner and gentleness. Angry outbursts were looked on with abhorrence by the people and often resulted in the shunning of temperamental persons. Intimidation was also another method of individual social control, and was particularly successful with children. When children were unruly, parents would threaten them with a visit by the village chief who would punish them for bad behavior (by scratching their legs with a sharpened fish tooth).

Within the community the Tupinamba displayed distinctively non-aggressive behavior toward their neighbors. Should an argument arise every attempt was made to calm that person to avoid a quarrel. Failing in this the individual was simply avoided until he/she calmed down. Despite their generally non-aggressive nature, tempers sometimes flared, especially after much drinking, and fighting broke out resulting in mutual injuries and sometimes death. In the worst cases of this internal fighting, the combatants, out of pique, would go to the extreme of burning down their own houses. This behavior often led to a major conflagration that destroyed the entire village. Spouses usually enjoyed amicable relations with one another, except perhaps when the husband had been drinking, in which case the wife (or wives) was/were subject to considerable verbal or physical abuse. If irreconcilable differences developed between spouses, the marriage bonds were easily dissolved through divorce.

Warfare was a widespread activity among the various Tupinamba groups, and was carried out not for the acquisition of territory or the achievement of power per se, but for the sake of honor, revenge (in the case of murder), and the obtainment of captives. This latter motive was probably one of the major reasons for going to war in the first place. Political power and prestige in the society were derived from the ritual slaughtering of captives whose bodies were then consumed in cannibalistic feasts.

Warfare was conducted only after the interpretation of various favorable omens assuring the aggressors of victory. Assaults against an enemy's village generally took place at night or at dawn when they were least expected. The weapons of war consisted of bows and arrows and uniquely shaped hardwood clubs. The tapir hide shield was their only defense against the weapons of their enemies. Battles were joined by the shooting of a barrage of arrows at their opponents followed by close hand-to-hand combat using clubs.

Tupinamba religion centered on a world filled with a host of supernatural beings which were classified into two major groups: (1) individualized spirits, frequently of a malevolent nature and sometimes referred to as demons, and (2) ghosts. Ghosts were far more prevalent in the supernatural world of the Tupinamba than spirits, and of a much more impersonal nature. These beings could be encountered everywhere, but especially in the forests, dark places, and in the vicinity of graves. Ghosts were credited with causing disease, droughts, and defeat in warfare. Certain animals, such as black birds, bats, and salamanders were considered as the alter ego of ghosts. Ghosts were particularly troublesome in the dark but could be driven away by the fires kept burning day and night in the longhouses. Of the spirits or demons, Tupan (Tupã or Toupan) seemed to be of primary importance. He was the spirit of thunder, lightning, and rain, and was roughly equivalent to a supreme god. After European contact Tupan was promoted to the rank of the Christian God by the missionaries, and as such still survives among the Tupí-speaking Mestizos of the region. Other major spirits who populated the bush and were greatly feared by the Tupinamba were Yurupari, Añañ and Kurupirá. Just as Tupan was identified with the Christian God, so too was Yurupari identified with the devil. Confusion also arises in identifying the true nature of Añañ who at one time is called a bush spirit, and at another, a ghost. Kurupirá, barely mentioned in early documents, is the hero of numerous tales among the twentieth century Tupí. Other spirits known to the Tupinamba but rarely mentioned in the literature were Makashera, Uaiupia, Taguaigba, and Mbae-tate (will-o'-the-wisp).

Shamans were the intermediaries between the community and the world of the supernatural. Alternate references to shamans often encountered in the literature refer to them as PAYGI, PAGÉ CAYAIBES, BARBIERS, PAGY-OUASSOU or simply as magicians or soothsayers. Shamans enjoyed considerable prestige in the society and were addressed with great respect, even by chiefs. There seems to have been a gradation in the abilities of shamans ranging from novices to experts, but it was only those who displayed unusual powers that were regarded as real shamans or medicine men and called KARAÏ or PAYWASU (great medicine men). Although Shamans functioned as rainmakers, diviners, and sorcerers, their primary role was that of curers. Their reputations depended largely on their accuracy of prediction and the success of their cures. Shamans were aided in their duties by familiar spirits, sometimes in animal shapes, who often assisted in some difficult task such as gathering rain clouds in rain-making ceremonies, and were consulted for advice dealing with some important enterprise, or providing information about distant events (in the past or future). Shamans were generally men, but women were not excluded from the profession, especially those with talents for prophecy or skill in medicine. The breath of the shaman was believed to have possessed magic power, which was greatly reinforced with tobacco smoke. Shamans occasionally rose to political power often exercising unchallenged authority not only in their own communities, but sometimes even over large districts.

Although there is some implied (but not clearly stated) ceremonial activity associated with the lip piercing of four to five year old boys, and the ordeals of puberty suffered by girls, most of the ceremonialism of the Tupinamba revolved around the cults centering around the supernatural beings. These beings were symbolized in the villages by small posts, frequently provided with a cross bar from which painted images were suspended. Offerings, such as feathers, flowers, or even food, were deposited near these objects. Calabashes, painted with human features, represented the spirits, and often appeared in the ceremonies of shamans who burned tobacco in them, inhaling the smoke to induce trance states. These effigy calabashes, considered as sacred, were also used in agricultural ceremonies, particularly in the growing of maize. Akin to the calabash effigies in sanctity were the rattles (or MARACAS), richly decorated with paintings and feathers, which, when once consecrated by a shaman, were a major accessory of all ceremonial activity. Helpful spirits were induced to come into these rattles, giving them great power, including the power of speech. These rattles were considered as highly sacred objects and were taboo to women. They were generally deposited in a temple-like structure and were given food offerings when asked to grant certain favors. The spirit or spirits who had taken up residence in the rattles offered advice to their owners and predicted future events.

A major form of artistic expression of the Tupinamba appeared as geometrical patterns on the human body in the form of tattooing or painted designs. Tattooing was performed by rubbing charcoal or certain plant juices into cuts made on the body with a rodent's tooth or a shell. These designs were similar to those made on pottery. On every important occasion, both men and women painted their bodies black or red with pigments obtained from GENIPA and URUCÚ plants. Designs, such as checks, spirals, and waves, were painted on the body by skilled artist, generally women. Blue and yellow pigments, though less common, were used on the face in combination with black and red.

Basketry designs were achieved by alternating thin strips of palm leaves, grasses, or bulrushes in contrasting natural colors to form various geometrical patterns. Pottery was often painted on the inside with red and black linear motifs on a white background, and then glazed with resins. Large storage jars and cooking pots were also decorated with thumbnail impressions made in the wet clay.

Curing among the Tupinamba was primarily in the hands of shamans using the classic methods of sucking and blowing tobacco smoke over the body of the patient. The sucking technique involved the extraction of objects from the patient's body believed to have caused the ailment. Female shamans removed the disease by sucking a thread that had been in contact with the patient. The GENIPA plant was deemed to have great medical virtues and when the juice was painted on the body of an ill person it was believed to cure disease. Scarification was used as a treatment for fevers and headaches. For wounded individuals the person was placed on a "barbecue" under which a slow fire was lighted and left there until the wounds dried. Some of the early accounts of the Brazilian coast list a number of medicinal herbs in the environment, but it is not clear whether or not these were actually used by the Indians or by the European colonists in the area (Métraux, 1948, 130-131).

A sick person close to death, was ignored and abandoned, but once death actually occurred the relatives displayed the most spectacular forms of grief, throwing themselves on the body or the ground and bursting into tears. Funeral orations by the head of the extended family praised the accomplishments of the deceased and were interrupted from time to time by sighs and cries of grief. So anxious were the Tupinamba to bury their dead as soon as possible that it sometimes happened that a dying person was still alive when placed in the grave (Métraux, 1948, 117). The nearest male relative to the deceased dug the grave. The body, wrapped in a hammock or tied by cords was placed in a fetal position in a very large beer or storage jar which was then covered with a clay bowl. Food offerings were placed in the grave and a fire kindled nearby to frighten away evil spirits. Family heads were frequently buried in the longhouse under the section that the individual occupied during life, but there were many exceptions to this rule. Although urn burials were common, burial directly in the earth sometimes took place. In such cases the walls of the grave were lined with sticks so that the corpse was protected against direct contact with the earth. Mourning behavior involved the cutting of the hair by female relatives, while males, on the other hand, let their hair grow. Both men and women painted their bodies black. Female mourners wailed for many days following the burial and were assisted in their laments by other women of the community. The mourning period lasted from one to six months and was strictly observed by close kin of the deceased. At the end of this period, the mourners resumed normal life only after they entertained their family and friends with a drinking party, which included singing and dancing.

The souls of renowned warriors went to a beautiful land in the west where they enjoyed the company of the mythical "grandfather" (probably a reference to Tupan), and their dead ancestors. This land was a paradise filled with everlasting happiness and joy. Access, however, was barred to cowards and women unless they were the wives of gallant warriors.

Documents referred to in this section are included in the eHRAF collection and are referenced by author, date of publication and eHRAF document number.

The Tupinamba collection consists of 27 documents, 11 being translations from the French, 7 from the Portuguese, 1 from Latin, and 8 in English. The major time focus of the collection ranges from about 1550 to 1700 A.D. Alfred Métraux, one of the foremost experts on the Tupinamba, provided much of the original document selection on this ethnic group, and most of the translations of eHRAF documents 1-18 in this collection. His works on material culture (Métraux, 1928, no. 19), on Tupí migrations (Métraux, 1927, no. 22), and his culture summary of the Tupinamba (Métraux, 1948, no. 24), provide an excellent background for a study of a now extinct people. The latter study mentioned above which provides a general summary of the entire culture, probably should be read first and then supplemented by the first hand ethnographic accounts presented in eHRAF documents nos. 1-5, and 9. Staden (1928, no. 1) is a very comprehensive account of the culture written by a sailor who was held captive for nine months in 1547. Although Thevet (1878, 1575, nos. 2 and 3) visited Brazil only briefly in 1555, he was an astute observer and collected a wealth of ethnographic data on the Tupinamba during the short time he was in the area. The two documents by Léry (1880, 1906, nos. 4 and 5) also provide much valuable information on Tupinamba culture based on material dating from 1557. Cardim (1906, no.9), written by a Portuguese Jesuit who was a longtime resident of the region, is also a valuable source of information on Tupinamba ethnology for the period of 1580-1600. The other documents in this collection partially reinforce the data in the major studies mentioned above and help to fill in gaps in the material. The researcher should note that none of the original authors contributing information to this collection were trained observers in the modern social science sense and caution should be used in evaluating the data.

For more detailed information on the content of the individual works in this collection, see the abstracts in the citations preceding each document.

This culture summary and synopsis were prepared by John Beierle in January 2003.

Métraux, Alfred. The Tupinamba. Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 143. Handbook of South American Indians, Vol. III, pp. 95-133. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1948.

Murdock, George Peter. Social Structure. New York: The MacMillan Company, 1949.

Murdock, George Peter. "Tupinamba", In Outline of South American Cultures. Behavior Science Outlines, Vol. II. New Haven: Human Relations Area Files, Inc., 1951 .