Yahgan

By John Beierle

Yámana, Yagán, Tequenica, Háusi, Kúta

The nineteenth century Yahgan occupied the southern coast of the island of Tierra del Fuego from approximately the eastern end of Beagle Channel to Brecknock peninsula, encompassing the island south of this line to Cape Horn. House sites and artifacts left behind by small wandering groups of Yahgan have been found as far as Elizabeth Island in the Straits of Magellan.

The Yahgan refer to themselves as Yámana, "men" or "humans". The missionary Thomas Bridges applied the name "Yahgan" to them in the early nineteenth century, from the word "Yahga", a native term for the Murray Narrows region, an area that they frequently occupied.

In the last quarter of the nineteenth century the Yahgan population varied between 2,500 to 3,000 individuals. From the period of the 1880s to the 1930s epidemics of respiratory diseases, measles, typhoid, whooping cough, and smallpox introduced primarily by European contacts, decimated the population. According to Cooper the population dwindled to about 1,000 in 1884; to 400 in 1886; 200 in 1899; 130 in 1902; 100 in 1913; and to 40 in 1933 (Cooper, 1946, 83). Following this trend, it would not be unreasonable to expect that by the beginning of the twenty-first century the Yahgan people have either died out entirely or have been so intermixed with other ethnic population as to be no longer viable as a tribal group.

The Yahgan language constitutes an isolated linguistic stock with no known relationship to any other. Originally the language was mutually intelligible between the five subdivisions of the tribe -- southern, eastern, central, western, and southwestern -- with only minor dialectical differences. The language was closest to that spoken by the Alacaluf with some similarity to Ona. One report in the mid twentieth century states that there were still speakers of the language near the Beagle Canal naval base in Chile (Ethnologue, 1996, 49).

First European contacts with the Yahgan may have taken place as early as 1520 when Ferdinand Magellan encountered some of them around the straits which now bear his name, but apparently there was little if any interaction with these people at that time. The first real contacts with the Yahgan occurred in 1624 when Jacques L' Hermite actually visited and described these people. In the centuries following Magellan's discovery, the rounding of Cape Horn by sailing ships, a difficult and dangerous passage, led to a considerable number of shipwrecks along the coast of Tierra del Fuego and the adjacent islands. These wrecks were plundered by the native inhabitants, probably Yahgan, and the crews killed or otherwise mistreated. In the early nineteenth century Yahgan-European contacts were more numerous, especially with the coming of surveying and exploring expeditions to South America. Probably the best known of these expeditions was that of admiral Fitzroy who explored the region on two separate occasions in 1826 and 1832. On his first visit Fitzroy took four Indians as hostages, which he later transported, to England. Eventually they were returned to their native lands. Fitzroy's return voyage to Tierra del Fuego was made on the H.M.S. Beagle with a young Charles Darwin aboard. In 1871 the missionary Thomas Bridges and his family arrived in the area to set up a mission station at Ushuaia, a site located on Beagle Channel on the south coast of Tierra del Fuego. It is to the Reverend Bridges that we own much of our knowledge of Yahgan culture and linguistics. Although the Italo-Argentinian expedition of 1882 and the French Cape Horn expedition of 1882-1883 provided much information on Yahgan somatology, they were largely indebted to Bridges for their cultural and linguistic data. The dictionary of the Yámana language written by Bridges is one of the most intensive studies ever made of an indigenous language. Later studies by Father Martin Gusinde (1919-1923), Father Wilhelm Koppers (1922), and Samuel K. Lothrop (1924-1925), provided much data on certain aspects of Yahgan ethnography, particularly in reference to social and magico-religious life, and technology.

There were no permanent villages among the Yahgan. Prior to the twentieth century, one to perhaps three nuclear families, often related to each other by blood or marriage, would wander an area until the food supply was exhausted and then move on. Most of these small groups, often referred to as local groups, tended to occupy more or less separate localities within each of the five subdivisions of the tribe and came together primarily in search of food. For initiations and other social and ceremonial occasions, however, a number of these local groups would often join together in a common camp to celebrate.

Because of their nomadic existence, family dwellings were for temporary use only, and were of simple construction. These dwellings were of two basic types -- the beehive hut and the conical hut. The beehive shelter was constructed of a domed framework of flexible sticks, covered with grass, ferns, bark, or skins. The conical variety was made by laying sticks and poles in a cone (in "tepee" form) and covering them with the same materials as noted above. In the early twentieth century a log tepee covered with burlap was used during the summer months. Under missionary influence the Yahgan built small plank house of European type. The initiation or ceremonial houses were similar to the dwelling in construction but much larger in size.

The Yahgan were a hunting, fishing, and gathering people, growing no domesticated plants, and having no domesticated animals except the dog. Shellfish, such as mussels, conches, and limpets, were the primary staples in the diet, with seals providing the major meat source. Seal hides also provided the material for making capes, moccasins, tents, and the sinews for thongs. An occasional beached whale also provided food for the coastal Yahgan for many days. Although whale meat was considered a great delicacy, the whale was seldom hunted in the open sea. A few berries, a kind of tree fungus, wild celery, wild parsnips, two varieties of cress, and young shoots of tussock, were nearly the only vegetation gathered and eaten.

Pottery, weaving, and metallurgy were entirely absent from Yahgan craft specialties, but basketry making was a well-developed and intricate technological achievement not only for the Yahgan proper but also for the Alacaluf and Chono as well. Four techniques in basket making were used (1) the simple half hitch coiled method -- the most common; (2) the rarer twisted half hitch coiled; (3) the knotted half hitch coiled; and (4) a type of wrapped coil basketry. The first three of these methods resulted in excellent workmanship, while the last was crudely made and used primarily as a dip net for catching small fish.

Trade transactions usually took place in the form of simple barter -- the swapping of goods for goods--and by the exchange of presents. Among the Yahgan when a gift was presented to an individual, regardless of the wishes of the recipient, it had to be accepted otherwise the giver of the gift would be deeply offended. The recipient was then expected to give something in return. Exchange transactions of the simple barter type were common among the Yahgan as they were with the Ona and Alacaluf. Bridges noted some trade by the Yahgan with other ethnic groups, such as the Alacaluf, in the obtainment of pyrites used in fire making (Lothrop, 1928, 130). There is also some indication that cypress wood used in the construction of harpoons for marine hunting was traded into the Beagle Channel area from the western channels of Tierra del Fuego where it grew.

The Yahgan observed a clear division of labor or economic specialization based on gender. Men hunted and fished, manufactured weapons and canoes, and did the heaviest labor in house construction. Women were primarily involved with childcare and domestic duties such as cooking, sewing, and making bags and baskets. In reference to food getting activities, women represented the gatherers of the society, with shellfish collecting being their single, most important task.

Yahgan territory was divided into five regional divisions each composed of contiguous groups speaking mutually intelligible dialects of the language. Each of these dialectical local groups had exclusive rights to the natural resources of their respective areas. Trespassing by members of one division on the lands of another was severely frowned upon and could lead to feuding and other forms of retribution against the offender unless there were other extenuating circumstances leading to the trespass, such as famine, the sharing of the meat and blubber of a stranded whale, trading, etc. The Yahgan land-tenure system, therefore, resembled the family-hunting ground systems of other ethnic groups.

There was no exclusive tenure by kinship circles as such, nor by biological families or individuals.

Although clear evidence of the relationship of various categories of kin to one another is either lacking or contradictory, it is fairly safe to say that the Yahgan were bilateral with kinship being reckoned equally from both the mother's and father's sides of the family.

Following marriage the couple's paternal uncle and maternal aunt took particular interest in them, often superseding that of their respective parents. The relationship between parents-in-law and children-in-law was strong, but there were a number of taboo avoidances, which had to be observed especially by the latter group. After a year or more of marriage the restrictions between daughters-in-law and mothers-in-law were relaxed, but that between sons-in-law and fathers-in-law remained in place for life.

Like the Ona, Yahgan kinship terms were compounded with the possessive adjectives "my", "your", "his", or "her" prefixing the native term, such as "my father", "your father", etc. Mother's and father's siblings (aunts and uncles) were given distinct relationship terms rather than being merged with "mother" and "father". In a similar manner the terms for nephews and nieces were distinct from those applied to one's own son and daughter. All cousins were addressed as "brother" or "sister" and marriage between members of this kinship class were forbidden (Service, 1958, 35). Further complications in the use of kinship terminology were introduced when different terms were used in speaking of a person far away or nearby, or when two or more people were involved in the same conversation (Lothrop, 1928, 161).

Marriage did not take place until both boys and girls had passed through the required youth initiation ceremonies (the ČIÉXAUS). The average age of first marriages for boys was seventeen to nineteen years of age; that for girls, fifteen to sixteen. The choice of a mate was largely left to the couple involved in the relationship and was based on mutual affection and regard for each other. In theory, marriage between individuals related by blood ties was forbidden. These prohibitions involved half-siblings, uncles and nieces, aunts and nephews, and first cousins, and were often extended beyond these limits, as for example between sponsors and candidates in the puberty initiation rites. Monogamy was the primary form of marriage; polygamy was permitted but was relatively uncommon. In cases where a wife became incapacitated through age or illness, a man was allowed to take a second wife. Polyandry did not occur in the society. The levirate, the marriage of a widow by the brother of the deceased husband, did take place among the Yahgan.

The Yahgan observed a form of bride price combined with bride service. Although a formal bride price, as stipulated by the girl's father was absent, the groom to-be gave gifts to his future father-in-law and was expected to perform certain services for the parents-in-law both before and after marriage.

Divorce and separation were fairly frequent, but were not undertaken without some reservations. The most common causes were cruel treatment of the wife by the husband, or marked laziness, negligence, or crabbedness on the part of the wife. Residence after marriage was matrilocal for a few months, then permanently patrilocal.

The basic domestic unit was the nuclear family composed of a mother, father, and their children (the "individual family", according to Gusinde). This type of family structure probably provided the most efficient form for utilizing the sparse food resources of a given area.

Inheritance was of little significance in Yahgan society since most, if not all of the deceased's personal property was destroyed with the body at death. A person's dog, however, was usually passed on to the eldest son, a near relative, or simply an acquaintance. Property of greater value or usefulness was frequently bartered or given away to other people. This disposition of the material goods of the deceased was intended to remove from sight those objects that would cause sorrow to the survivors by reminding them of the dead person, and also to signify that the survivors did not intend to profit from the death of the individual.

The entire process of socialization among the Yahgan was oriented toward the creation of "a good and useful human being" and a valuable member of the tribe. Early childhood training leading to this goal began with the parents who attempted to instill in their offspring socially acceptable moral and cultural values, based on traditions and demonstrated through the behavior of the parents themselves serving as examples of what they expected of their children. Failure to learn some of these basic precepts rarely involved corporeal punishment, but frequently did require severe verbal correction, and sometimes the actual sending the child away from the parents for an unspecified period of time. If for some reason the parents neglected their duty or died, the nearest relative took over the training obligations. This indoctrination period attempted to build character and independence in the child, and was adapted to the needs of individual children.

At puberty all children were required to undergo a youth initiation period called ČIÉxaus (or SHIENHÁUSE), basically a continuation of schooling in which everything that was accomplished through parental instruction and demonstration was greatly intensified. During this period of the youth's life instructions were given in the appropriate gender skills needed for family life.

The nuclear family formed the basis of Yahgan society; there was no higher unit. The only suggestion of a social organization above the nuclear family was that of the local group, a loosely structured combination of several related families who sometimes functioned together in the food quest and ceremonial activities. There were no sibs, secret or other societies, or social classes.

Political leadership was lacking among the Yahgan. There existed no chiefs or ruling groups of any kind. Shamans did assert some degree of authority in the society because of the fear they inspired in the population, but their power was relatively insecure.

Public opinion was a strong enforcer of socially acceptable behavior. Individuals had to yield to it absolutely and immediately if they wanted to save themselves from being universally ostracized, as for example, in cases of theft or murder. In child rearing, public opinion supervised the efforts that the parents expended on their children and admonished and criticized the parents, usually through the relatives, if the training was neglected in some way. In marriage selection where one of the parents was dissatisfied with their child's choice of a mate, the pressure of public opinion exercised through relatives, particularly uncles and aunts, was often enough to bring about a satisfactory solution to the problem.

A second important factor in maintaining social control in the society was the fear of supernatural sanctions. For example, WATAUINÉWA, the supreme being, inflicted punishment on those who broke the precepts of the Yahgan socio-moral code which represented his will, by causing the early death of the malefactors or the death of their children.

Quarrels often developed when family groups camped together. Generally when they occurred the weaker group would move away, but not always. Fights between individuals often led to a melee involving the friends and relatives of the participants. Basically these quarrels were the result of insult, theft, adultery, or accusations of sorcery in the death of a relative. Vengeance was called for in all of these cases, but might be deferred for years during which time mutual friends might bring about a peaceful resolution to the problem.

There was no organized warfare of any kind.

Much of the religious life of the Yahgan centered on shamanism and theism (the belief in a supreme being called WATAUINÉWA); there was neither established religious dogma nor a formal body of beliefs. WATAUINÉWA was master of the whole spirit world which was inhabited by a host of unseen and basically malicious beings, such as the ghosts (KUSHPIG) of dead shamans, and spirits of the sea, rocks, and trees. To him prayers were addressed in sickness, grief, and thanksgiving. He was the dispenser of justice and always punished the wicked. Although fear of the dead was a distinct element in the society, there was neither an organized cult of the dead nor were there prayers to the dead. Other magico-religious conceptions of the Yahgan were beliefs in individual guardian spirits (YEFĀČEL), omens, and the observance of various taboos. It seems that divination was not part of the religious practices of the Yahgan.

Priests were not present in Yahgan society. The closest thing to a religious practitioner was the shaman, a medicine man or woman, who played an important part in the community. The power of the shaman came through the attainment of a personal guardian spirit achieved only after several dreams or visions took place in which friendly relations were established with the spirit world and the ghosts of dead shamans. Once the apprentice shaman received his guardian spirit he came under the authority of an elder shaman who taught the individual the finer points of his profession. After "graduation", the shaman could use his new powers to influence the weather or prophesy the future but his primary function was to cure the sick. An evil shaman, however, could steal the soul of a person and cause him or her to sicken and die. Recovery was only possible through the efforts of a curing shaman who sought to bring back the soul of the patient from the spirit world.

Two of the most important religious ceremonies of the Yahgan occurred when children reached puberty. These rites served not only as a great social occasion for adults, but also as a kind of graduation ceremony in an otherwise informal educational system. Following the onset of puberty both boys and girls were required to undergo the ČIÉXAUS ceremony in which they were bombarded with a continual barrage of vocational and moral instructions and were subject to many ordeals and ritual proscriptions. Part of the ceremony involved group singing and dancing which apparently functioned as a form of communication with the fearful and evil spirit YETAITA in an attempt to keep it away from the community. A final portion of this ceremony represented a formal presentation of the youths to the society of which they now became a fully functional part.

Following the initiation ceremony the youths were now free to participate in the KINA rite, essentially a dramatization of a myth which tells the story of an earlier period when women held mastery over men in the society and how men eventually regained their power. This ceremony included the impersonation of the spirits by men through the use of body paint and masks, and a mock battle between men and women. Next to the ČIÉXAUS and KINA ceremonies listed above, funeral rites were considered of great importance to the Yahgan. (For further details on funerary ceremonies and practices, see the section entitled DEATH AND AFTERLIFE below.)

Any forms of sculpture or woodcarvings were absent from the Yahgan milieu. Artistic designs consisted of lines, dots, and circles used in face and body painting and in the decoration of ceremonial structures and religious paraphernalia.

According to early European accounts the Yahgan suffered little from disease; a fortunate situation since effective remedies were sadly lacking in the country. Their most common ailments were the results of accidents, such as burns and wounds, headaches, digestive disorders, eczema and other skin disorders, and inflammation of the eyes from constant exposure to smoke in their dwellings. Actual epidemics did not occur before European contact. The majority of remedies consisted of rubbing the body with oil, drinking cold water, sweating by lying near the fire wrapped up in skins, and the use of counter irritation methods, such as burning the afflicted part or by wrapping or whipping it with stinging nettles. Certain types of roots were also ingested for particular kinds of illness.

Wounds or abscesses were often treated by the application of the sap or gum exuded from specific types of plants and trees. Many of these healing techniques involved both medical and magical procedures.

Formerly the most common form of the disposal of a corpse was by burning, but particularly after European contact, this gave way to burial in the ground or in a kitchen midden (for easier digging). Most of the possession of the deceased were either burned or buried with the body. Mourning, accompanied by many emotional displays of grief, was expressed by fasting, body painting, the slashing of the breast, and special mourning dirges and speeches. Angry imprecations addressed to the supreme being WATAUINÉWA for letting the individual die, were also part of the mourning procedure. In addition, men and women painted themselves, wept, and engaged in a mock battle, similar to that performed in the KINA ceremony. The Yahgan believed that the soul of the departed (KOSHPIK or KESPIX) flew to an unspecified region to the east, but beyond that its fate was unknown.

Documents referred to in this section are included in the eHRAF collection and are referenced by author, date of publication, and eHRAF document number.

The Yahgan collection consists of three documents; one, a translation from German into English, and two summary style works in English. The major time focus of the collection is roughly from the early nineteenth century to approximately 1925. The primary source of information on the Yahgan in this collection comes from the ethnographic fieldwork in Tierra del Fuego by Martin Gusinde in the early twentieth century (Gusinde, 1961, no. 1). He further supplemented his field data with historical information from the writings of earlier missionaries and explorers in the region to produce a major ethnographic study of a people who probably no longer exist as a viable ethnic society in the twenty-first century. Although drawn from secondary materials, the study by Cooper in the Handbook of South American Indians, vol. 1, The Marginal Tribes, provides an excellent summary introduction to Yahgan culture (Cooper, 1946, no. 2). Lothrop's fieldwork on the Yahgan dates from three months he spent in Tierra del Fuego in 1924-1925. The introduction to this study presents general information on the natural environment of Tierra del Fuego, with notes on its history and relevant bibliography. This section also includes data on the cultural status and physical characteristics of the Fuegans. The portion of this work with particular relevance to the Yahgan is the section entitled "The Canoe Indians". Under this title Lothrop presents a general survey of the culture with emphasis on its material and technological aspects. This work, used in conjunction with Gusinde's monograph, presents a well-rounded overview of Yahgan culture and society at the time the studies were made.

For more detailed information on the content of the individual works in this collection, see the abstracts in the citations preceding each document.

This culture summary and synopsis were prepared by John Beierle in December 2002.

• ČIÉXAUS-- the boy's and girl's initiation ceremony at puberty -- category 881

• KESPIX -- see KOSHPIK

• KINA -- a ceremony, often associated with initiation, dramatizing a myth in which women controlled Yahgan society -- category 796

• KOSHPIK -- the souls of the dead -- category 775

• KUSHPIG -- ghosts -- category 775

• WATAUINÉWA -- the supreme being, master of the spirit world -- category 776

• YEFĀČEL -- a guardian spirit -- category 776

• YÉKAMUŠ -- a shaman -- category 756

• YETAITA -- an evil spirit -- category 776

Cooper, John M. "The Yahgan". IN Handbook of South American Indians. Vol. 1, The Marginal Tribes. Edited by Julian H. Steward. Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1946.

Lothrop, Samuel Kirkland. The Indians of Tierra del Fuego. New York; Museum of the American Indian, Heye Foundation, 1928.

Grimes, Barbara F. "Yamana". IN Ethnologue: Languages of the World. Thirteenth Edition. Dallas, Texas: Summer Institute of Linguistics, Inc., 1996.

Gusinde, Martin. The Yamana: the life and thought of the water nomads of Cape Horn. Translated from the German by Frieda Schutze. 5 vols. New Haven: Human Relations Area Files, 1961.

Service, Elman R. "The Yahgan of South America". IN A Profile of Primitive Culture. New York: Harper & Brothers, 1958.