Inka

Tamara Bray, Sarah Berry, and John Beierle

Inca, Yncas

While the original Inka homeland was the Cuzco Valley of south-central Peru, the Inka Empire eventually encompassed the Andean highlands and much of the Pacific coastal zone from northern Ecuador at the Colombian border, to north-central Chile and northeast Argentina, in the vicinity of Santiago and Mendoza [TB]. The Inka are Quechua speakers and the name "Inka" comes from their own name for the ruling lineage of the group. The empire itself is sometimes referred to in the literature as TAWANTINSUYU (Land of the Four Parts) because of its division by the Inka into four quarters or SUYUS called CHINCHASUYU, CUNTISUYU, ANTISUYU, and COLLASUYU. At its peak, just prior to the Spanish conquest of the region which began in 468 B.P. (1532 A.D.) the Inka empire consisted of a very large number of conquered tribes who absorbed Inka culture and the Quechua language so thoroughly that only fragmentary scraps of information about their aboriginal customs survive (Murdock, 1951, 33-34)[JB].

Most Andean villages contained fewer than 100 families. The number of residents at the planned Inka settlements --the MITIMAS (MITMAQ) or Inkan colonists forcibly resettled within the territory of the conquered tribes -- probably did not normally exceed that of other Andean villages, though the size may have fluctuated periodically with the arrival of state officials or military forces. The population of the capital city of Cuzco is estimated to have been between 15,000 and 20,000, and climbed to 100,000 if residents of the surrounding "suburban" areas were included. Ethnohistoric information suggests that the entire population of the Inka state may have numbered between six and ten million prior to the Spanish invasion in 468 B.P. (1532 A.D.). Epidemics of smallpox and measles that swept the Andes following the Spanish invasion decimated the region, reducing highland population by as much as seventy-five percent and eradicating many of the coastal communities [TB].

As noted above the Inka were speakers of the Quechua language, an agglutinative tongue with a sentence structure in which adjectives precede the nouns they modify and the object precedes both the verb and the subject (Murdock, 1934, 409). At the time of the Inka conquest of the region (ca. thirteenth - early sixteenth centuries) the Andean area was divided into a large number of political units speaking a wide diversity of languages. In order to provide a common medium for government inter-communication throughout the empire, the Inka imposed their own Quechua language on the conquered populations. These people were expected to learn Quechua as a common means of communication, although they were not required to give up their native tongues in speaking with one-another. The Spaniards found Quechua a convenient tool in dealing with the native population, so convenient, in fact, that they never bothered to learn most of the local languages [JB].

From the earliest settlements in the Cuzco Valley around 800 B.P. (1200 A.D.), the Inka soon began to establish their hegemony over the locality gradually extending their empire through conquest over other highland and coastal areas. By the early sixteenth century they had gained control of an Andean population of approximately twelve million people. At the time of the Spanish invasion, the Inka empire stretched 2,485 miles from north to south, and 300 miles east to west, and encompassed more than a hundred societies (Fagan, 1996, 340). The first ruler (or king) over this vast territory was Pachacuti Inka who was crowned in 562 B.P. (1438 A.D.). It was under his reign that all the conquered tribes were made permanent subjects of the state. Topa Inka, Pachacuti's son, acting as military commander for his father, further extended the power of the state north Quito, Ecuador, south to Chile, and finally to the coast defeating the armies of the Chimu Empire in the process. Following the death of his father, Topa Inka's reign as ruler for the next twenty-two years was considered successful in further consolidating the holdings of the Inka Empire. He in turn succeeded by his son Huayna Capac in 507 B.P. (1493 A.D.), who continued the work of empire building. Probably one of the most noteworthy events of Huayna Capac's reign was the news he received in 473 B.P. (1527 A.D.) of the first exploratory expedition of Francisco Pizarro who had touched briefly at Tumbez in Peru (Service, 1958, 312-313). The death of Huayna Capac in this same year precipitated a crisis for the empire. An intense civil war broke out between the two sons of Huayna Capac, Huascar and Atahuallpa by name, who disputed the succession to rulership. Atahuallpa eventually won the war but before he could consolidate his position he was captured and killed by Pizarro's Spaniards (468 B.P, or 1532 A.D.). Lacking unified leadership, the Inka system could not function and the empire was soon brought under Spanish control, although an independent Inka group hel d out in the Urubamba Valley until 428 B.P. or 1572 A.D. (Kipfer, 2000, 252)[JB].

The Inka Empire was centrally administered from the capital city of Cuzco. Inka Cuzco comprised two principal sectors: a sacred inner core inhabited by the Inka nobility, priests, and government officials, which functioned as the center of religious and political activity, and the outlying residential districts, inhabited by lower nobility, ethnic lords, craft specialists and other MITMAQKKUNA (communities of internal colonists) populations.

Other types of settlements in the Inka heartland included rural villages, comprised of from five to twenty households, and the royal estates of the Inka elite. The rural agricultural villages undoubtedly existed much as they had prior to the Inka's meteoric rise to power. From these communities, residents would leave daily to farm surrounding agricultural fields, or depart for lengthier periods to exploit the resources of more distant ecozones. The royal estates of the Inka elite were lavishly constructed sites that served as country retreats for the ruling elite. Examples include the sites of Ollantaytambo, Machu Picchu, Chinchero, and Pisac, all of which are located in the fertile Urubamba valley below Cuzco. Such palatial estates typically encompassed the best agricultural lands and displayed the finest Inka masonry.

During their short period of imperial rule, the Inka also constructed numerous planned settlements. These provincial administrative centers served as the nodes that connected the hinterlands to the capital of Cuzco. Common features of these Inka administrative centers included buildings of fine stone masonry, quantities of Inka polychrome pottery, and a central plaza typically flanked by large rectangular structures, or KALLANKA. In addition to housing military personnel and state corvée laborers, the KALLANKA also served as the foci of civic-ceremonial and public feasting events. Other buildings, known as AQLLAWASI, functioned as warehouses for the state's `chosen women.' The central plazas of the provincial sites often contained an USHNU, or royal dais, as well. Another common element of the Inka administrative centers was rows of round, tower-like structures known as QOLLKA that served as state storage facilities.

Special religious sanctuaries or oracle sites, such as Tambo Machay near Cuzco or the coastal HUACA (shrine) of Pachacamac, were a kind of special purpose site in the Inka settlement system. Hilltop fortresses, or PUCARAS, were another type of special purpose site. As the Inka Empire expanded into frontier zones, PUCARAS were often constructed to garrison the military, control the movements of the local population, and/or for surveillance purposes.

Most native villages in the Andes grew organically with little evidence of planning. There were no regular streets or public plazas, and houses were widely spaced rather than concentrated. Towns and administrative centers constructed by the state, however, displayed a considerable degree of planning, though no two sites were identical. Each settlement was adapted to the particular topographical, social, astronomical, and economic conditions of its location. Though there were no universal rules that dictated the precise form of a settlement, Inka builders drew on a common set of elements and principles. State settlements were typically laid out following either an orthogonal (uneven grid) or a radial pattern. The large architectural blocks that resulted each contained a number of enclosed rectangular compounds (KANCHAS). A division of the site into two parts, representing the idea of upper (HANAN) and lower (HURIN) halves, is also often visible in the layout. Large public plazas were another common element of state sites and were often either centrally or laterally located. These plazas were often astronomically aligned and contained an USHNU. The KALLANKA, or great halls, typically lined the perimeter of the central plaza [TB].

In general, Inka settlement planning reflects both order and ties between society and the cosmos. For example, the city of Cuzco was laid out in the form of a puma, with upper and lower halves divided into moieties of Inka royalty, the HANAN and HURIN, mentioned above. A series of forty-one conceptual lines or ZEQUES radiated out from the central plaza of Cuzco where the Temple of the Sun was located, each linking a set of W'AKAS (HUACAS) or shrines to the conceptual core of the universe. Other planned settlements were arranged on orthogonal or trapezoidal grids around a large plaza containing a truncate pyramid platform [JB].

The subsistence base of the Inka Empire (TAWANTINSUYU) was agricultural and production was tightly controlled by the state. Land improvements, which included the construction of terraces, irrigation canals, and dams, were undertaken by the state on a massive scale and intended to increase agricultural yields. Once the Inka conquered a region, all lands were declared to be the property of the state. A portion of these agricultural lands were "returned" to the community for their own support, another portion was set aside for the Inka state, and another dedicated to the state religion. Inka subjects were required to work the confiscated lands and forward the produce to state coffers. Labor was the only form of tribute demanded by the state of its citizens. Both men and women engaged in agricultural activities. The collection of wild plants, particularly greens and fruits, and the occasional hunting of deer and guanaco supplemented the Andean diet but were generally of minor importance. The Inka declared all game property of the state and hunting was allegedly strictly controlled. Fishing was important on the coast and on the shores of Lake Titicaca.

The two most important crops in the Andes were maize, which can be grown up to 2,300 meters above sea level, and potatoes, which can be cultivated to almost 4,000 meters. Maize held considerably more ceremonial and symbolic significance for the Inka than did potatoes. Other important high altitude crops included quinoa, TARWI, OCA, ULLUCO, and legumes. Camelid herding also figured prominently in the state economy. While llamas and alpacas were of principal importance for their wool, they also served as pack animals and occasionally as sources of meat. Large herds were claimed as the exclusive property of Inka rulers. Other Andean domesticates included guinea pigs (CUYES), Muscovy duck, and dogs [TB].

The Inka built upon the technological achievements and knowledge of the Andean civilizations that preceded. Cloth, being of both ceremonial and practical significance in Inka society, was one of the most important manufactures. Textiles were woven primarily of wool, though cotton from the coast was also utilized. Both men and women using backstrap and upright looms undertook weaving. Metal artifacts included knives, axes, and chisels of bronze; items of personal adornment, such as TUPU pins, made of copper; and luxury and ceremonial objects such as cups, plates, earplugs, and figurines made of gold and silver. Production techniques included smelting, alloying, casting, cold hammering, and repoussé. Inka state pottery was highly standardized in terms of both form and decoration, and was likely produced by specialists. Stone working was highly advanced, employing techniques of hammering and abrasion. Monumental architecture was the enduring achievement of the Inka. Professional architects and master masons with the aid of a massive labor force supplied by the state built the great public structures. Using only simple tools to shape the huge stone blocks, and rollers and ramps to haul and place them, the Inka created structures of lasting beauty [TB].

Neither trade nor markets figured in the Inka economy. Non-local goods were normally acquired through direct access to or control over the zones of production. Following an ancient Andean pattern involving the permanent deployment of community members to vertically stratified ecozones (the `vertical archipelago model'), colonies of state subjects known as MITMAQKUNA could be relocated to special resource zones to extract desired goods. Such products were funneled to the imperial capital or local administrative centers from which they were subsequently redistributed by the state [TB].

In the Inka Empire, taxes were paid in the form of labor rather than in kind. Each community was required to cultivate the lands appropriated by the state in their district. The produce from these lands went to state storage facilities and was used to support state activities. In addition, each community contributed a designated number of individuals to perform specific tasks for the state on an annual basis (MITA). Such tasks could include military duty, construction of state facilities, service to nobles, etc.[TB].

Specific goods associated with the Inka state, including pottery, cloth, and metal artifacts, were produced by full-time craft specialists who were retained by the state. Within the family, clear-cut differences existed in the types of work performed depending on age and sex. Most family members typically shared in the agricultural labor, though men and women were responsible for different aspects of this work, as for instance, in the case of sowing, where men broke the ground and women planted the seed. Children helped their parents, guarded fields before harvest, tended flocks, and collected firewood. Adult males were responsible for fulfilling the family's labor tribute obligations and also made the family footwear. Women were responsible for the maintenance of the household, child rearing, food preparation, and domestic cloth production [TB].

The community held ultimate jurisdiction over the land, but it was divided among the several AYLLU who administered it directly. Each individual household held portions of the AYLLU land and passed them on to their male descendants. At any given time it would appear that the individual family "owned" the land it tilled, but the AYLLU could allot parts of its fallowed or idle lands among individual families in order to keep a balanced distribution. Land could not be sold or otherwise disposed of by the individual families. The products of the soil belonged outright to the family that occupied the plot. In some areas, particularly in the conquered lands along the Pacific coast, land was taken from the villages in the name of the Inka state and the state church. New land that was created by means of CORVÉE labor, belonged to the state, and was given to individuals as estates when the individual had performed some special service for the state. These individuals were frequently local rulers (CURACA), members of the Inka dynasty, or military leaders (Service, 1958, 317-318) [JB].

The Inkan extended family as a unit was associated with others into the larger, generally patrilineal, AYLLU, a local kin grouping, frequently identified with the lineage. Service states, however, that "the AYLLU was not a clan of the sort possessed by so many American Indian tribes; it was not unilateral or exogamous or totemic. It was probably much like the genealogical, corporate kin group of the Polynesians, although specific and conclusive information is lacking" (Service 1958, 326).

Kinship nomenclature was consistent with the bilateral, nonexogamous character of the AYLLU. The terms "brother" and "sister" were extended to include all cousins, without distinction between cross and parallel cousins. The terms "father" and "mother" were used not only for the biological parents, but also for father's brother and mother's sister. Among the Inka the address system heavily emphasized gender differences, with distinct terms used according to the gender of the speaker and the gender of the individualS addressed. Generational differences were also reflected in the kinship terminology.

Murdock refers to the kinship terms of the Inka as being of the Hawaiian type (Murdock, 1951, 34) [JB].

In Inka society marriage was obligatory at the age fixed by law -- eighteen to twenty for girls and twenty-four to twenty-five for men. Those reluctant to marry were wedded against their will by official edict. Individuals were not considered as true adults until they were installed in their own household. In his choice of a wife a man was confined to his local community or AYLLU, but under certain prohibitions, which forbade marriage between relatives closer than first cousin. Any closer marriage was considered as incest, a terrible crime to the Inka. Within the range of marriage prohibitions imposed by the society, the selection of a mate was left to individual preference, although the parents had the power to make the ultimate choice; a union without their consent was considered invalid. Marriages were ceremonialized in two ways -- one public and one private. The public or civil ceremony, held once a year in Cuzco, involved group marriage in which all betrothed couples of the Inka class, were united in marriage by the ruler or king. The private ceremony was a traditional wedding arranged by the two families in accordance with local custom, involving the exchange of presents and a feast. A marriage, once contracted, was indissoluble; no divorce was allowed. Both the levirate and sororate were permitted forms of re-marriage in the cases of death of one's spouse. Monogamy was universal among the commoners, and polygyny prevailed only in the noble classes, the recipients of the ruler's largess, and was thus definitely a badge of rank. In addition to his first of legitimate wife, the ruler or king, had hundreds of concubines; a political necessity providing him with a large body of trusted near relatives who would fill the more responsible civil, military, and ecclesiastical positions of the state [JB].

The nuclear family was the minimal economic unit. This unit evolved into the extended family as new members were added to the household. The extended family as a unit was associated with others to form the basis of the AYLLU, a kin-based, endogamous, land-holding corporate group [JB].

Inheritance was reckoned bilaterally, with daughters inheriting from their mothers, and sons from their fathers [TB].

In Inka society children were greatly desired and were considered as a great economic asset. Children were weaned at approximately two years of age, at which time they had their first haircut, and were given a name. The socialization of the child began almost as soon as they could walk. Children were raised with great care and received their knowledge of gender related skills from watching and helping their parents in their daily activities, such as taking care of the livestock, sowing the fields, preparing food, etc. Discipline, generally administered by the father, could be severe, often consisting of cuffs on the head or whippings. Delinquency, which would include naughtiness or ill manners, was punished according to the gravity of the offence. Not only did the child receive punishment at this time, but also the father for failure to instruct and correct his child properly from infancy. Young children who were consistently disobedient and deemed poorly raised were sentenced to having their ears pierced by the old men of the community, causing the child much pain and suffering. Older children were given fifty lashes. Formal education was reserved for the sons of the nobility, and those young girls who were selected as "Chosen Women". Sons of provincial officials were sent to Cuzco where they received special instructions in the use of arms, the Quechua language, religion, history, and the use of the quipu. Teachers were not allowed to beat their students more than once a day, and then were restricted to not more than ten blows on the soles of the feet [JB].

Girls were selected at about the age of ten to become Chosen Women and taught religion, spinning, weaving, cooking, and chicha-making at the convents where they resided. This instruction lasted for about four years and prepared the girls to serve as MAMA-KONA (consecrated women), or given as wives to the nobles by the king or ruler whom he wished to honor [JB].

The traditional Andean system of social organization rested on the notion of AYLLU, a corporate group whose members exchanged labor and were often related through kinship. An Andean community was typically comprised of several distinct AYLLUS, each of which constituted an endogamous entity [TB].

The Inka recognized a series of age groups for purposes of census taking and taxation. Marriage marked the transition to full adulthood. The Inka elite practiced polygyny. The wives and offspring of the emperor formed a royal AYLLU known as a PANAQA that lived off the wealth produced by the ruler during his reign and which maintained his mummy upon his death. The principal wife of the Inka ruler, the COYA, was his sister. There was no standard of succession to the throne though customarily the emperor selected his heir from among his most competent sons [TB].

Inka society was highly stratified with the "Inkas-by-blood" of the Cuzco lineages comprising the uppermost echelons of the status hierarchy. Below them were the "Inkas-by-privilege," a class comprised mainly of the original, non-Inka inhabitants of the Cuzco valley, individuals who had distinguished themselves through outstanding service to the state, and all those whose native language was Quechua. Males of the Inka elite distinguished themselves physically through the use of large ear ornaments. It was this practice that gave rise to the Spanish term 'OREJONES' ('big ears') to refer to the Inka aristocracy[TB].

The provincial nobility comprised the next tier in the sociopolitical hierarchy of the state. Members of this class were typically the local ethnic elite who had ruled their provinces prior to the Inka conquest. Below the ethnic elite were the commoners, the backbone of the Inka state who made their living through agricultural labor [TB].

The Inka Empire was centrally administered from capital city of Cuzco. Conceptually the empire was divided into four great quarters, hence the Quechua name TAWANTINSUYU, or "Kingdom of the Four Quarters." Each of these was subdivided into provinces, many of which corresponded to the territories of the indigenous tribes and states subsumed by the empire. These provinces were further subdivided into an upper (HATUN) and a lower (HURIN) half, with the upper division taking precedence over the lower in public ceremonies. Each moiety was comprised of a varying number of AYLLUS [TB].

The Inka governed their empire through a highly formalized hierarchical system. At the apex stood the Inka sovereign who ruled by divine right and claimed lineal descent from the sun. Below him were the lords of the four sectors (SUYU) of the empire who oversaw the imperial governors of each of the provinces within their sector. The provincial governors purportedly each had responsibility for 10,000 families. Following a decimal system of organization, there were two tiers of Inka officials below the governor, the higher of which supervised two subordinates responsible for the management of 500 families each. Local ethnic leaders, known as CURACAS, served as intermediaries between the imperial hierarchy and the local populace. Theoretically, each CURACA had under his control 100 families [TB].

While the Inka state managed its subjects with a firm hand, it was not generally abusive. Typical punishments included public rebuke, exile, and loss of office. Seemingly minor crimes could draw harsh penalties. Adultery, for instance, was punishable by torture or death. Crimes, in general, seem to have been relatively rare. Imperial laws were upheld and enforced by regular state officials; there was no special class of state police [TB].

One of the key factors in the rapid rise of the Inka state was the military. The Inka army consisted of men drawn from around the empire who served in fulfillment of their rotational labor obligations (MITA) to the state. Soldiers on active duty were fully supported by the state. Like other elements of the state apparatus, the army was hierarchically organized according to a decimal system. Most military operations involved either hand-to-hand combat or assaults on hilltop fortresses to which the local combatants often retreated. Military prowess was the chief way for commoners to improve their social status within the state and individuals sought distinction in warfare. Weapons used by Inka forces included the sling, the bola, the star-headed mace, spears, and clubs. Protective gear, including helmets and quilted body armor, were worn in battle [TB].

Inka state religion has been characterized as more pragmatic than mystical, concerned more with food production and the curing of disease than spiritual salvation. The Inka recognized the existence of a supreme deity known as WIRAQOCHA, who was understood to be the creator of the world. The second most important deity in the Inka pantheon was INTI, the sun and father of the Inka sovereign. Other deities included ILLAPA (lightening), KILLA (moon), CHOQUE CHINCHAY (the constellation of Orion), and CHASQA KOYLLUR (Venus). The earth (PACHAMAMA), water (MAMACOCHA), and mountains (APUS) were also understood to possess supernatural qualities [TB].

The Inka ruler portrayed himself as the direct descendant of the sun. The first Inka, Manco Capac, was said to have emerged from a cave together with his three brothers and four sisters. The eight siblings set out in search of an appropriate site to settle. They eventually arrived in the valley of Cuzco, defeated the local population, and founded what would become the capital of the last indigenous empire [TB]. Inka religion was fundamentally animistic insofar as inanimate objects were understood to have a spiritual content. The sun and moon, certain stars, the sea, the earth, rivers and springs, hills, snow-capped peaks, caves and outcrops all had special significance for the Inka. Rocks were particularly laden with symbolic meaning; numerous Inka myths reference the transformation of men into stones or vice versa. Special boulders or outcrops of particular importance were often integrated into Inka architecture. Small unmodified stones were carried as personal charms, while other stone objects carved in the shape of camelids (CONOPA) were objects of domestic ritual. The Inka also venerated the mummified remains of ancestors. Viewed as the sacred progenitors of the lineage, the mummies of ancestors were consulted on important matters and served as the focal points of both state and family ritual [TB].

All religious shrines (HUACAS) had at least one resident attendant and the larger had sizeable staffs. Such individuals, including both men and women, were full time ritual specialists. The women were selected from a larger corps of Chosen Women (AQLLAKUNA) maintained by the state. They formed their own order presided over by a priestess of the highest nobility. Besides tending the shrine, making appropriate sacrifices, and praying, the priests and priestesses also engaged in the interpretation of oracles, hearing confessions, and diagnosing illnesses. Since consultation with the supernatural was considered an imperative prior to the undertaking of any important action, divination was also a central activity of ritual specialists, who employed coca, guinea pig and llama entrails, dreams, and direct questioning of the oracles to this end [TB].

Within Andean society, ritual was an essential aspect of daily life. People engaged in private acts, such as the sharing of coca or praying to the snow-capped peaks (APU), that expressed deeply held religious beliefs everyday. Public ceremonies of the Inka were elaborate, highly formal affairs. The state ceremonial calendar corresponded closely to the agricultural cycle of the highlands, with many rituals explicitly linked to crop productivity. Public ceremonies were also performed during times of crisis and to mark important historic events such as the coronation or death of the Emperor. Most such ceremonies involved the exhibition of sacred idols and images, dancing, feasting, oratory, and the heavy consumption of corn beer (CHICHA). Sacrifices accompanied nearly every religious rite and typically involved guinea pigs, llamas, coca, or CHICHA, though children were sometimes immolated as well. Public ceremonies were typically conducted outdoors in one of the central plazas [TB].

Song and dance were important elements of most public ceremonies. Dance costumes could be elaborate and often involved masks and animal skins. Instruments were simple and included small flutes of cane and bone, ceramic panpipes, skin drums, gourd and shell trumpets, and metal bells. The affluence and pageantry associated with the Inka court led to the production of large quantities of beautiful objects. The most common design elements in Inka art involved simple geometric patterns. Other common motifs included plants, flowers, insects, humans, llamas, and pumas. The possession of luxury items or goods produced in the state style signified the status and rank of the individual [TB].

The Inka attributed disease to supernatural powers or to soul loss as the result of a sudden fright. Moral misconduct, neglect of religious duties, sorcery, or the supernatural beings resident in particular springs or winds, were considered as likely sources of illness, usually by causing a foreign object to enter the body or by displacing one of the body's vital organs (Service, 1958, 328). Curing practices involved confession, atonement, and propitiatory sacrifices, generally through the offices of a curer or shaman. The curer first made sacrifices, then undertook to divine the cause of the illness before attempting treatment. Treatment generally consisted of body massage, in the case of displaced organs as the cause of the illness, or by the sucking method of extracting objects from the patient. These curers were local folk practitioners, believed to have had special knowledge and skills, which enabled them to influence the supernaturals. They also functioned as diviners and could become sorcerers as well, using their powers for evil purposes. Other therapeutic practices included bleeding, and the use of purgatives. Trepanation was a surgical procedure used by the Inka for fractures caused by club blows, and also probably for headaches and insanity. In this procedure the surface of the skull was scraped with a stone knife in the area of the injury, a small square, circular, or irregular segment was incised and pried out, and the edges then rasped smooth. Archaeological evidence seems to indicate that only a small number of the patients recovered sufficiently for new bone to form [JB].

The dead were generally considered a source of protection for the family. They were guardians (MALLKI) to whom descendants could appeal for special favors or requests. Inka rulers were typically mummified upon death and retained as valued state advisors and lineage patriarchs in the sacred temple of the Sun (CORICANCHA) in Cuzco. Common people were normally buried in caves or rock shelters with offerings of food, pottery, and clothing. Beyond the Inka heartland, burial practices followed traditional norms and varied considerably, although the interments of ethnic elite not infrequently contained Inka style items [TB].

Documents referred to in this section are included in the eHRAF collection and are referenced by author, date of publication, and eHRAF document number.

The Inka file consists of 26 documents in English with some Spanish in the documents. The documents discuss the Inkan culture, the Quechua-speaking peoples, and some ethnic groups which were incorporated into the Inka empire along the coast of northern Chile, Peru, Ecuador and the Andean highlands from northern Ecuador through Peru and Bolivia to northern Argentina and Chile. The documents discuss the Inka from 800 B.P. to 400 B.P., with a major emphasis on the Inka at the time of the Spanish conquest, 1200-1600 A.D.[SB].

The most significant primary works have been selected from the great number of writings on the Inka, and four have been translated from the original Spanish especially for the files. Rowe (1946, no.1) is the only secondary study; it is a synthesis from the Handbook of South American Indians which provides an excellent introduction to the culture and includes good photographs not available elsewhere. Another introduction can be found in Zuidema (1990, no. 18), who uses sixteenth century Spanish accounts to reconstruct Inka ethnography in the Cuzco valley. Cieza de León (1864, no. 2) is based on journals kept by the author during extensive travels as a soldier during the Conquest; it contains careful descriptions of the country and some data on the society and culture. Cieza de León (1883, no. 13) is a continuation of the same work, emphasizing traditional history with incidental treatment of various aspects of social, political and economic organization. Garcilaso de la Vega (1869 and 1871, no. 3) is a vivid account of the Inka reigns, customs and environment, considered by many the most valuable source for a wide variety of data. Cobo (1893, no. 4) stresses religious aspects, with detailed accounts of mythology, cults, ceremonies and religious organization. Polo de Ondegardo (1916, no. 5) written by a colonial administrator, analyzes Inka religion and government, in particular the system of tax collection as it worked in the mid-16th century. Polo de Ondegardo (1873, no. 6), by the same author, treats the Inka expansion in detail, covering many facets of military, political and religious administration. Pachacuti-yamqui Salcamayhua (1873, no. 7) is concerned with Inka traditions and myths, both pre- and post-conquest. Molin (1873, no. 8) emphasizes religious activities of the Inka and origin myths of many of the constituent tribes; ceremonial prayers, practices and calendar are stressed. Xeres (1872, no. 9) centers on the Spanish conquest itself, but includes many observations on a variety of subjec ts. Estete (1872, no. 10) is a report of observations made during a single expedition, including detailed information on the organization and activities centering about an Inka temple. Pizzaro (1872, no. 11) is primarily an account of the first contacts of the Spanish with the Inka, including geographical descriptions and comparisons of the coast with the highlands regions. Poma de Ayala (1936, no. 12) is outstanding in part for its numerous drawings, but also for the author's description of a wide variety of customs of both the Inka nation and, in many cases, of incorporated tribes.

Two authors discuss the Inkan use of space. Bauer (1998, no. 14) describes the complex CEQUE system around Cusco, while Hyslop (1990, no. 16) describes the various types of Inkan-built settlements found throughout the Inkan Empire. Examining the Inka before the Spanish arrival Murra (1980, no.17) looks at their economic and social organization. Silverblatt (1987, no. 25) compares gender issues in the Andes from before the Inka conquest to after the Spanish conquest. Costin (1993, no. 26) was also interested in gender roles, examining the role of women in textile production. Several authors were interested in the interaction between the Inka and the various conquered ethnic groups: D'Altroy (1992, no. 15), Pease G.Y. (1982, no. 19), Murra (1982, no. 23), Wachtel (1982, no. 24). How the Inka exerted their power to control the conquered provinces and how they undercut provincial loyalties can be explored in Rowe (1982, no. 20), Julien (1982, no. 21), Morris (1982, no. 22). [SB]

For further information on individual works in this file, see the abstract in the citations preceding each document.

The major portion of this summary is based on the article, "Inca," by Tamara Bray in the Encyclopedia of Prehistory, Vol. 7: South America. Peter N. Peregrine and Melvin Ember, eds. New York: Plenum Publishing Corporation, 2002. We thank Peter N. Peregrine for bibliographic suggestions. Sarah Berry wrote the synopsis in 2003. John Beierle added additional sections to this summary relevant to linguistic affiliations, history and cultural relations, land tenure, kinship, socialization, marriage, and medicine, in October 2003. The material written by Tamara Bray in this summary is followed by the initials [TB], that by John Beierle by [JB], and that by Sarah Berry by [SB].

• ACLLA (also spelled AQLLA) -- chosen woman; a woman attached to a temple and chosen for state religious service; duties included weaving and brewing CHICHA-- categories 561, 792, 286, 554

• ACLLAWASI -- (also spelled AQLLAWASI)- - the building where ACLLA lived, wove, and brewed CHICHA -- categories 346 and 792

• Altiplano -- high plateau -- category 133

• ANANCUZCO -- see PARCIALIDADES

• Andean verticality -- see Vertical archipelago

• APACHETA -- a stone pile placed as an offering beside a road at high points -- category 778

• AUQUICUNA -- royal princes -- category 644

• 'AWASQA -- rough cloth, category 286

• AYLLU -- a social unit usually based on lineage or kinship; as a community -- category 621; as a royal lineage -- category 613; as a non-royal kin group -- category 614

• CACIQUE (CACICA for a female) -- head of an AYLLU or community, categories 622 and 631

• CACIR CAPAC -- inspector general of lands and grazing -- categories 634, 423

• CAMARICO -- work performed by the household and ethnic community on behalf of those away -- categories 464 and 476

• CAMASCA -- sorcerers -- depending on function, categories 754, 756, 759, 791

• CAMAYOS -- "oficiales"; men having a specific trade or craft -- category 463

• CANCHONES -- corrals -- category 417

• CAPAC COCHA -- a religious ritual associated with agriculture -- categories, 796, 788

• CAPAC HUCHA -- child sacrifice -- category 782

• CEQUES (also spelled ZEQUES) --a ceremonial line or path; 41 lines radiating from the Temple of the Sun in Cusco along which HUACAS, and shrines were located; these lines were also used to divide space according to precise astronomical observations and the calendar; these ceremonial lines are also found outside Cusco -- categories 823, 778, 805, (depending on context)

• CHACARAS -- fields or farms -- category 423; location of CHACARAS -- category 131; size of CHACARAS -- category 241

• CHAPA -- districts -- category 634

• Chief accountants -- category 645

• CHAQUITACLLA (also spelled CHAKITAKLLA) -- a digging stick -- category 412

• CHICHA -- fermented drink made from corn -- category 273

• CHULPA -- burial tower - category 764

• CINCHEKONA -- war leaders -- categories 622 and 701

• COLLCA (also spelled QOLLQA) -- storeroom or storehouse -- category 488

• CORREGIDOR -- chief magistrate -- category 693, sometimes with 692

• CORVEE -- see MITA

• COYAS -- "queens" or wives of the Inka rulers -- category 644

• CURACA (also spelled KURAKA) -- a local native leader or chief -- category 622

• Cusco CEQUES system -- the distribution of Inka shrines surrounding Cusco -- categories 823, 778

• CUY (plural CUYES) -- guinea pig -- category 231

• Decimal Administration -- categories 631, 651, and 466

• Districts (SAYA) -- category 634

• Duality, as a worldview -- category 829

• FAENA -- labor for group projects, often labor required of a household in exchange for farmland -- categories 466, 476

• GALPONE -- large hall, category 344

• GUACA -- see HUACA

• HANAN -- the upper half (verses HURIN) of the Inkan moiety, can be used to divide a town, all of Inkan society, or TAWANTINSUYU -- category 616

• HANAN CUSCO -- the "upper" moieties of the SUYUS of CHINCHAYSUYU and ANTISUYU -- category 616

• House of virgins (nuns) -- category 792

• HUACA -- (also spelled GUACA or WAQA) shrines or sacred things -- category 778

• HUACA as a god -- category 776

• HUACA as a specialist in sacrifice -- categories 782, 793

• HURIN -- the lower half (verses HANAN) of the Inkan moiety; can be used to divide a town, all of Inkan society, or TAWANTINSUYU -- category 616

• HURIN CUSCO -- the "lower" moieties of the SUYUS of COLLASUYU and CUNTISUYU -- category 616

• Inka rulers (royal) -- category 643

• Inka's family and servants -- category 644; non-Inka groups in Cuzco -- categories 563 or 619; overseers or examiners of the Inka -- category 645

• Inkan state religion -- category 779

• KALLANKA -- a type of structure; a long hall -- category 341

• KANCHA -- a type of structure; several rooms around a patio with a perimeter wall -- category 341

• KHIPU -- see QUIPU

• KURACA -- see CURACA

• Main divisions of the empire (CHINCHASUYU, CUNTISUYU, ANTISUYU, COLLASUYU) -- category 631

• MITA (MIT'A, M'ITA, MINGA, MIT'ANNI) -- required communal labor as a form of taxation -- category 651

• MITIMAE -- colonists -- category 636

• MITIMAS (MITIMAS, MITMAQ) -- the forcibly resettling of one ethnic group within the territory of another; a settler from some other place; a colony -- categories 636, 629, 648 (depending on context)

• MITAYOQ -- the one who supplies MITA service -- category 465 or 466

• MONTAÑA -- eastern slopes of the Andes between 2000 and 3000 m with deep-forested canyons - category 133

• Non-Inka groups in Cuzco -- categories 563 or 619 depending on context Overseers or examiners of the Inka -- category 647

• PACARINA -- a sacred place that is a landscape feature and designates the place of a group's origin -- category 778 and 613

• PACCHA -- a devise for pouring libations -- category 782

• PANACA (also spelled PANAQA) -- royal AYLLU -- category 613

• PARCIALIDADES -- ancient traditional "kindreds" called ANANCUZCO and URINCUZCO -- categories 612, 613 or 616 depending on function PARCIALIDAD, as a territorial division -- category 631

• Patios -- category 351

• Plazas -- category 361

• Prefects of the four quarters (SUYUS) -- category 645

• PRINCIPALES (CACIQUES) -- category 631

• Provinces (WAMAÑ or WAMANI) -- category 635

• Provincial (Imperial) governors -- category 635

• Provincial magistrates (TOCRICOC) -- category 693

• PUCARA -- a fortress -- category 712

• PUNA - the high grasslands over 4000 masl -- category 133

• QOLLQA (also spelled KOLLKA and QOLLKA) -- a storehouse -- category 488

• QOMPI (also spelled CUMBI) -- fine clothe, category 286

• QOMPI-KAMAYOQ -- a specialist, male weaver; categories 286 and 463

• QUEBRADA -- dry wash or seasonal stream -- category 133

• QUINOA -- a hardy, salt-tolerant, crimson-colored grain -- categories 137, 243

• QUIPU (also spelled KHIPU) -- a system of knotted strings used as a counting or mnemonic device -- categories 211, 802

• QUIPUCAMAYOC -- quipu specialist -- generally categories 211, 212; for imperial quipu specialists add 645 as well

• Restricted access into and within settlements or sacred sites -- category 363

• Royal AYLLU -- category 613

• Royal council -- category 646

• SAYA -- political divisions or districts -- categories 631, 634

• Scribes -- categories 645, 212

• Secretary to the Inka -- category 645

• SONCOYOC -- sorcerer -- depending on function categories 754, 756, 759 and 791 Sorcerers (CAMASCA or SONCOYOC) -- depending on function categories 754, 756, 759 and 791

• State sponsored hospitality -- categories 657 and 659

• SUYUS -- main division of the Inka empire into quarters called CHINCHASUYU, CUNTISUYU, ANTISUYU, COLLASUYU -- category 631

• SUYU RUNA -- an administrator at the district level -- category 634

• TAMPU (also spelled TAMBO) -- an Inkan state lodging on the road system -- category 485

• TARPUNTAY -- the priestly class -- category 793

• TAWANTINSUYU -- the Inkan Empire, the land of the four SUYU -- category 631

• TAPIA -- puddled adobe, a type of adobe brick -- category 333

• Temporary quarters for workers -- category 466

• TINKU -- ritual battles between closely related villages, between groups within one AYLLU, herders verses farmers, men verses women, etc. -- categories 626, 628, 541, and 578 depending on context

• TOCRICOC -- provincial magistrates -- category 693

• TORICOQ -- an Inkan governor or inspector -- categories 635, 636 and 647

• TUCUY RICU (RICO) -- a provincial governor -- category 635

• TUPO (also spelled TUPU) -- a clothing or shawl pin -- category 291

• TUPU -- the basic land unit able to feed a couple for a year -- category 423

• URINCUZCO -- see PARCIALIDADES

• USHNU -- a ritual complex, often in or near the central plaza of a town, that consisted of a stone, a drain, a basin, and sometimes a platform -- categories 778 and 823

• Vertical archipelago (also called Andean verticality and verticality) -- an economic and settlement system where a single community splits into two with one group in the sierras and the other in the MONTANAS. The two groups would share in the products from their respective, different ecosystems and gain complementary resources -- categories 361, 433, 437

• Viceroy of the Inka -- category 645

• VISITA -- an administrative survey or a set of records -- categories 217 and 659

• WAMAÑ (WAMANI) -- provinces -- category 635

• WAQA -- see HUACA

• WASI -- a house or building -- categories 341 and 342

• YANA (YANACONAS) -- men having a specific civil status in the society, such as

• servants or slaves -- categories 357, 567

• YANANTIN -- balanced opposites -- category 829

• YCHURI -- confessors -- category 783

• ZEQUE -- see CEQUE [JB, SB]

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