Alorese

Kathleen M. Adams

Aloreezen

The Alorese live on the Island of Alor, in East Nusa Tenggara Province, Indonesia. Alor Regency includes the Islands of Alor, Pantar, and Pura. Alor is noted as an area of tremendous cultural and linguistic diversity, possibly owing to its rugged terrain. Estimates as to the number of ethnolinguistic groups on the island vary greatly. Brouwer (1935) delineated seven primary physical-linguistic divisions on the island. Local officials distinguish thirteen "tribes" (Enga 1988), and Alorese informants speak of between forty-eight and sixty different languages on the island (Adams 1989). Today the Alorese are predominantly Christian, save for those along the coast who tend to be Muslim. Most of this Muslim coastal population originally immigrated from Timor, Flores, South Sulawesi, Java, Ambon, and other nearby islands. Indigenous Alorese residing in the mountainous interior practice either Christian or traditional religions. These autochthonous Alorese are of Papuan stock.

The Island of Alor lies approximately 80 kilometers off the coast of Timor, between 8 degrees 8 minutes and 8 degrees 36 minutes south latitude and 123 degrees 49 minutes and 125 degrees 8 minutes east longitude. The island is 2,884.54 square kilometers in size and the terrain is extremely mountainous, with limited coastal lowlands. The climate is tropical with a rainy season lasting from October to April.

In the mid-1980s the population of Alor Regency was estimated as 136,559. Figures are not available for the number of Alorese who have left the homeland to reside or study in the large cities of Indonesia.

The languages spoken on Alor are classified as Austronesian and appear to resemble those spoken on nearby Timor. Some of these languages are also thought to be related to Papuan and East Solorese languages. Cora DuBois, who conducted the most extensive anthropological research on the island, suggests at least eight major language groups. Others have delineated seven primary language groupings on the island: Abui, Adang, Kamang, Kawel, Kelong, Kolana, and Kui-Kramang. As mentioned above, Alorese estimates of the number of mutually unintelligible languages on their island range from forty-eight to sixty. Today (ca. 1990), as citizens of Indonesia, most Alorese speak Bahasa Indonesia in addition to their native dialect. Approximately two-fifths of the population use the national language (Bahasa Indonesia) as their daily language. Roughly two-fifths can speak Bahasa Indonesia but use another local language on a daily basis. One-fifth of the population cannot speak Bahasa Indonesia.

Early historical records for the island are scarce. Alorese residing in the interior of the island remained relatively isolated up until Indonesian independence. For centuries these indigenous Alorese lived in autonomous and at times mutually hostile mountain villages: political organization probably did not exist beyond the village level. The coastal populations have a longer history of ties with the outside world than groups in the interior of the island. It is believed that Javanese aristocrats from the Majapahit kingdom settled on the coast and intermarried with the local population. Once a Portugese holding, Alor was relinquished to the Dutch in 1854. Shortly thereafter, in the late nineteenth century, several new groups began to arrive on the coast. The Dutch invasion of South Sulawesi prompted a number of Buginese and Makassarese to flee to Alor. Chinese merchants also began trading activities on the coast at this time. It was not until the arrival of the first Dutch official circa 1908 that individuals on the coast were designated "rajahs" and given title to the interior of the island. According to DuBois the impact of this new political structure on the people of the interior was minimal. Save for some trade relations with coastal peoples, highland political organization continued to be at the village level. The region was occupied by the Japanese during World War II. Following that war, the region was declared a part of the new nation of Indonesia. Protestant missionaries arrived in the 1940s, followed by Catholic missionaries in subsequent decades.

Traditionally Alorese resided in isolated mountain-top settlements; however the Dutch relocated a number of these villages for administrative convenience. Villages rarely have more than 150 residents. DuBois describes a traditional Abui village as a cluster of houses around a central dance place (MASANG). Generally each lineage has its own dance place, so some villages have several dance places. Fields are planted behind and between the houses. The Abui traditionally built three types of houses: large carefully constructed lineage houses (KADANG) where feasts are held, regular family houses (FALA), and field shelters. Traditional houses are elevated and constructed of wood and bamboo, with thatched conical roofs. Today ( ca.1990) some villages also have cement-built homes with tin roofs. A number of villages also have a church or elementary school in the general area.

Over 80 percent of the residents of Alor Regency are agriculturalists, 6.38 percent government workers, 3.84 percent fishermen, and the remaining 2.5 percent are contractors, traders, or merchants. Farmers plant and harvest maize by hand in swidden fields. Alorese also grow some rice, beans, millet, and cassava. Domestic animals include pigs, goats, and chickens.

Industrial arts are relatively undeveloped on Alor. Wood carving, basketry, pottery, and IKAT weaving are found on the island. These products do not appear to be particularly refined. There is also some metallurgy done on the eastern end of the island.

Bronze drums of Javanese origin (MOKOS), gongs, and pigs play key roles in the Alorese economy. Although today (ca. 1990)a cash economy also exists, these goods remain closely tied to Alorese concepts of wealth and prestige. Particularly in villages, relationships continue to involve the ritualized exchange of these objects. Even Alorese men residing in the main town of Kalabahi speak of a man's wealth as being tied to the number of MOKOS he possesses. There are numerous stores in Kalabahi. There are also peddlers and several markets on the island where goods are either bartered or purchased with cash.

Traditionally women and children work in the fields and prepare the family's food. Men tend to the livestock and control and manipulate finances.

Fields are individually owned. They are given to children (especially females) between the ages of ten and thirteen, although their produce is consumed by the entire family until adulthood. Boys may inherit land from their fathers.

According to DuBois, kinship is reckoned bilaterally. Central to the Abui kinship system are patrilineages (HIETA) and male houses (NENG FALA). Female houses (MAYOA FALA) also exist, but their functions are less clearly delineated than those of the male houses. DuBois writes of six types of male houses, consisting of six patrilineal descent lines and carrying an assortment of mutual obligations pertaining to marriage, death, finances, etc.

The kinship terminology is classified as Hawaiian-type by DuBois. In the Abui language individuals are distinguished by generation and sex.

Today Alorese marriages are monogamous, although in the past polygyny was sometimes practiced. According to DuBois, although parents sometimes play a role in selecting spouses for their children, the Alorese have a clear concept of romantic love and most tend to choose their own mates. Although marriage with first and second cousins is prohibited, DuBois cites occasions where second cousin marriage does occur. Marriages in Alor traditionally involve a series of exchanges between affinal groups. Throughout the island, including urban Kalabahi, men speak of being unable to marry without MOKOS (bronze drums) to offer the bride's family. DuBois notes that other dowry and bride-price payments include gongs, pigs, rice, and maize. Ideally, residence is patrilocal, although this pattern is not always strictly observed. Today, many younger Kalabahi couples tend to aspire towards neolocal residence. According to DuBois, divorce is common: the Alorese villagers she worked with averaged "two divorces apiece."

The people who cook and share meals around a hearth are considered the most basic domestic unit. Island-wide, the average size of this household group is five persons. In Atimelang, where DuBois conducted her research, the domestic unit ranged from one to eight persons. As a household member, one is generally expected to share in the tasks of everyday living -- cooking, cleaning, farming, or contributing part of one's wages to the family.

Sons inherit their fathers' wealth, although according to DuBois, much of the inheritance may be dissipated in costly death feasts (1945:113).

Children are reared by their parents, older siblings, and older adult relatives. DuBois notes that as the women are often away in the fields during the day, children are most frequently in the care of their older siblings or left to shift for themselves. Discipline is minimal: ridicule is most frequently used to discourage misbehavior, although corporal punishment may also be administered. Girls are called upon to work in the fields at an earlier age than boys. Children are not considered full-fledged members of society until they become parents.

Alorese society is not organized into formal, hierarchical ranks. Although age, sex, occupation, and kinship contribute to determining one's standing on Alor, wealth is the primary means of achieving prestige. Men become wealthy and prestigious through cleverly negotiating a traditional credit system involving MOKOS (bronze drums), pigs, and gongs. These forms of wealth (particularly MOKOS) are required payments for marriages, funerals, and the erection of new lineage houses, and may be loaned out for interest. The more drums, gongs, and pigs a man can amass, the more prestigious he becomes.

Traditionally there was no indigenous system of political organization beyond the village level. Today (ca. 1990)the head of Alor Regency is called a BUPATI and is appointed by the Indonesian government. A council of local representatives (DPRD) assist the BUPATI in decision making. The regency is divided into five smaller administrative districts called KECAMATAN, each overseen by a CAMAT. These five KECAMATAN consist of Northwest Alor, Southwest Alor, South Alor, East Alor, and Pantar. Each KECAMATAN consists of several villages (DESA), each with a village head (LURAH). The Indonesian government provides the usual range of services including schools, police, health posts, tax collection, road maintenance, etc.

Ridicule and shame are the primary means of sanction on Alor. Personal disputes were traditionally settled by "fines through challenge," whereby an offended individual could purge his shame by publicly challenging his opponents to pay an inflated price for his pig or MOKOS. An opponent's refusal to comply would be a shameful admission of financial defeat. According to DuBois, occasionally Alorese opponents also engaged in potlatch-like "wealth feuds" to resolve their differences. Today (ca. 1990), when disputes cannot be resolved at the local level, the state apparatus may be called upon (police, military force, etc.).

Conflict occurs primarily over debts and exchange transactions. Large-scale warfare was extremely rare on Alor. Head-hunting raids to avenge the death of a kinsman (and to provide him with a "spouse") were suppressed in the early 1920s.

The majority of contemporary Alorese have converted to Christianity (precise statistics not available), although some Alorese adhere to their traditional beliefs. Residents of coastal communities on Alor, in contrast, are predominantly Muslim. The Atimelangers studied by DuBois believed that each individual had two souls. One soul journeyed to the "village below" provided the death was natural, the other soul went to the "village above" if the death was violent. The second soul was thought to linger and potentially cause trouble: funerals were designed to placate it and send it on its way. DuBois notes that there is no consistent theory as to where this second soul ends up. In addition to one's two souls, each individual inherited a number of supernaturals bilaterally from his parents. There were also lineage or village guardian spirits (ULENAI). These spirits were connected to the village's wealth and crops and were represented by large crocodile-like carvings. In addition, there were "Good Beings," supernaturals who take human form and have the power to revive the dead and to travel through water and air. Malignant spirits (KARI, LOKU), in the form of female and male witches, were also thought to exist. These evil spirits gained control over people by seducing them: while one slept, the evil spirit was said to step over and urinate on the victim and then proceed to eat his or her liver. DuBois comments that relationships to supernaturals tended to be casual and expedient. People generally ignored these relationships unless some misfortune occurred or a favor (such as harvest success) was desired. At the time of her work, for instance, the Atimelang village guardian spirit had not received a sacrifice or carving in sixteen years. She also states that, aside from funerals, Atimelangers did not appear to devote a lot of energy to the dead. She saw no permanent shrines: those that were made were temporary and of haphazard construction.

The Atimelangers studied by DuBois and Nicolspeyer did not appear to have a large array of religious practitioners. "Water-Lords" (JE-ADUA) oversaw harvest rituals and seers (TIMANG), assisted by spirits, performed curing rites.

Death feasts, rites assuring crops, and sacrifices for the village guardian spirit were the primary rituals in Atimeland. Other spirits were periodically "fed" as well.

In the Atimelang area, the village guardian spirit is represented by a crocodile-like wood carving. There are also carvings for spirit familiars and "spirit boat" carvings. DuBois notes that the carvings she saw were "crude," made only for sacrificial purposes. Moreover, she states that other Atimelang arts were also relatively unelaborated: basketry design was of the simplest sort and their mythology was "confused and unstructured" (DuBois 1960 [1945]: 134-135).

In addition to Western-style doctors, seers are consulted for various ailments. DuBois speaks of long-delayed death feasts held by parents who fear their children's illnesses were brought on by annoyed spirits. Atimelangers also had "medicines" designed for a number of female concerns (reducing menstrual flow, inducing barrenness, and delaying conception).

According to DuBois, when someone of standing dies the Atimelangers devote a great deal of energy to the funeral feasts, which entail elaborate financial obligations. Family members incur considerable debts at this time, in the form of MOKOS, gongs, and pigs. It is believed that one of the souls of the deceased lingers until the conclusion of the final memorial death feast, which might not be held for several years. Until this final feast, the soul may proceed to some unclear destination. As mentioned earlier, DuBois notes that the Atimelangers do not have a well-defined concept of the afterlife.

Documents referred to in this section are included in the eHRAF collection and are reference by author, date of publication, and eHRAF document number.

The Alorese collection consists of four English language documents dealing with the Island of Alor located off the coast of Timor in Indonesia. Three of these studies were written by the American anthropologist Cora DuBois (DuBois, 1944, 1941, 1940, no. 1-3) shortly before the outbreak of World War II. DuBois' major monograph entitled "The People of Alor" (DuBois, 1944, no. 1) is probably the best source of ethnographic information on the Alorese people although it is heavily oriented toward the basic personality structure of the Alorese and their personality development. (DuBois was strongly influenced by the Culture and Personality School of Anthropology then in vogue in the 1940s). Some of the ethnographic data contained in this work deal with the food quest, concepts of disease, relationship to the supernatural, marriage, and social relations (again discussed in relation to problems of personality formation). The other two works by DuBois in this collection, (DuBois, 1941, 1940, nos. 2-3), add only minor bits of information to that already existing in the major work by this author. It is important to note, however, that all of DuBois' field work was done in the village of Atimelang in central Alor. According to Scarduelli (1991, no. 4, p. 76) the people of this village are culturally, linguistically, and ethnically different from the Alorese living on the coast. The fourth document in this collection, Scarduelli (1991, no. 4), deals with the symbolic organization of space and social identity in the village of Alor Kecil located at the western tip of Alor Island. In addition to the author's analysis of the cognitive maps used by the inhabitants of the village to interpret their own social organization and to establish the frame of reference used for interactions within the community, the study contains data on political organization, lineages, rituals of circumcision, marriage exchanges, traditional history, and community structure.

For more detailed information on the content of the individual works in this collection, see the abstracts in the citations preceding each document.

This culture summary is from the article "Alorese" by Kathleen M. Adams in the Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 5, 1993, Paul Hockings, ed. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co. The synopsis and indexing notes were written by John Beierle in October 2000.

• BELABAJA -- a fictitious kinship bond -- category 608

• DOLU-- a low mound of stones that in ancient times functioned as a sacrificial altar -- category 778

• KOKORO -- a building for community meetings -- category 344

• LALLANG -- open spaces in the village, each associated with specific community kin groups -- categories 361, 351

• SUKU -- exogamous kin groups, generally lineages -- category 613

• SUNAT -- the Islamic ritual of circumcision -- categories 796, 304

• UMAH -- houses occupied by a descent group -- categories 342, 613

Adams, Kathleen M. "Preliminary Survey of Alor." Report submitted to Hewlett-Mellon Fund. Beloit College, Wisconsin, 1989.

Biro Pusat Statistik. Penduduk Nusa Tenggara Timor (Results of the 1980 Census). Jakarta, 1981.

Brouwer. Bijdrage tot de anthropologie der Aloreilanden. Amsterdam: Uitgeversmaatschappij Holland, 1935.

Dubois, Cora. "How They Pay Debts in Alor." Asia, September, 1940. pp. 483-486.

DuBois, Cora. The People of Alor: A Social-Psychological Study of an East Indian Island. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1944.

DuBois, Cora. "The Alorese." In Psychological Frontiers of Society, edited by Abram Kardiner, 101-105. New York: Columbia University Press, 1945.

Enga, A. H. The Guidebook for Touring in Kabupaten Alor. Kalabahi: Alor, 1988.

Nicolspeyer, (1940). De Sociale Structuur van een Aloreesche Beevolkingsgroep. Rijswijk: V. A. Kramers, 1940.