Zia Pueblo

Ian Skoggard

Sia, Tsí-ya, Tsiya, Tsia, Chia, Silla, Siya

The Zia are a Pueblo Indian tribe, one of seven Keresan-speaking tribes that live within a sixty-mile radius of Albuquerque, New Mexico. The pueblos of Acoma and Laguna lie on the San Jose river west of Albuquerque; and to the north lie Cochiti, Santo Domingo, and San Felipe, on the Rio Grande; and Zia and Santa Ana, on the Jemez river. Zia is located at 35 degrees and 30 minutes north latitude and 106 degrees and 30 minutes west longitude. It lies at 5,500 feet above sea level on the left bank of the Jemez River, 20 miles above the Rio Grande and 30 miles from Albuquerque. The area is in a high-altitude desert zone with moderately hot temperatures ranging from a monthly mean of 35 degrees Fahrenheit in the winter to 72 degrees in the summer, and extremes between -18 and 102 degrees Fahrenheit.

In 1583 Spanish chroniclers described Zia as a large pueblo with "more than a thousand homes." Six hundred people died in the destruction of the pueblo following the 1689 rebellion. In 1694 the population was only 279, which declined to a nadir of 58 by 1881. The Pueblo population has since increased to 327 in 1957, 555 in 1972, and 646 in 2000. According to the 2000 census, there are 310 males and 336 females, 225 under 18 years old, and median age of 26.9. Half the population lives off the reservation working in towns or on ranches.

Zia belongs to the Keres linguistic family, which includes the dialects of nearby Eastern pueblos of Cochiti, Santo Domingo, San Felipe, and Santa Ana; and more distant Western pueblos of Laguna and Acoma. According to the 2000 census, 84 percent of the Zia speak their native tongue and nearly half (47 percent) speak English less than "very well."

According to Zia myth and legend, the Zia emerged from the lower world at a place "in the north." There is evidence that Keres-speaking people once occupied the four corners region in the 13th century and may have roots in the San Juan Anasazi culture (400-700 AD.) There are seven archaeological sites in the area immediately around the present-day pueblo. Five were occupied into the 16th century. The present-day pueblo was settled around 1250 AD. In the 16th and 17th centuries, it was one of the largest Pueblos with over 6,000 people, eight plazas, and a center of trade. The first Spanish contact occurred in 1540 by Capt. Juan Jaramillo of the Coronado expedition. The Spaniards returned at end the end of the century to conquer and colonize the region. In 1583 Antonio de Espejo claimed the Zia pueblos for Spain and estimated a population of up to 20,000 for the five Zia pueblos. Missionaries arrived in 1610 and began to stamp out the Native religion, actions which eventually led to the Pueblo Revolt of 1680. I n the reconquest of the region by the Spaniards, the Zia pueblo was destroyed. In 1692, the Zia submitted to a mass baptism and conversion to the Roman Catholic faith, the actual spot of conversion marked today by a wooden cross. The Zia sided with the Spaniards in the reconquest of the Jemez, Santo Domingo, Cochiti, Acoma, and Zuñi pueblos. In the Revolt of Eastern pueblos in 1696, the Zia again remained loyal to the Spaniards and were joined by the pueblos of Santa Ana and San Felipe. In 1728 a devastating measles epidemic broke out followed by another rebellion, in which the Zia joined the rebel villages of Jemez, Santa Ana, and Cochiti. In 1760 a visiting bishop made 494 confirmations in Zia. Twenty years later (1780-81), the area was ravaged by a smallpox epidemic. An 1864 report described the pueblo in "a ruinous condition." The Zia's traditional enemies, the Navajo, raided the pueblo in 1866, killing 66 people. In 1879-80, Col. James Stevenson carried out an ethnographic study, which he later published. The pueblo remained fairly isolated until a bridge was built across the Jemez River in the late 1930's, connecting it to the railroad twenty miles away.

The Zia pueblo lies on top of 250-feet high mesa overlooking the Jemez River. The Spaniards named it "Sant Pedro y Sant Pablo" in 1598 and changed it in the next century to "Nuestra Señora de la Asunción de Sia." Houses are one story, three-room structures built from stone and basaltic boulders found on the mesa, with heavily plastered walls, beamed ceilings, and flat earthen roofs. The houses are grouped around two plazas. Other dwellings include two kivas, a church, and ceremonial houses. Beginning in the 1950's modern homes have been built on both sides of the river below the original village. Electricity has been available since 1970's.

The Zia practice a mixed economy of horticulture, herding, and hunting. They grow corn, alfalfa, wheat, chili peppers, oats, and beans, using irrigated fields where they can. Corn and wheat are staples and the basis of every meal, followed by chili and potatoes in importance. Garden crops include onions, cabbage, potatoes, watermelons, cantaloupes, squash, apples, peaches, cherries, and grapes. Livestock include horses, mules, burros, cattle, sheep, goats and hogs. Cars and trucks have replaced the need for horses and burros. Deer and wild turkey are a source of meat along with their own livestock. Food is fried or cooked in deep lard; stews are common, served with hominy corn. Baked items include tortillas, pies, turnovers, cakes, bread, and short bread.

Today, the Zia are part of the cash economy. A portion of all crops are sold for cash, especially the alfalfa and chili crop. Cattle and sheep are raised for the market, too. Pots are made for sale. The average per capita income in 1972 was $1000. The median household income in 2000 was $34,583 and 15 percent of families lived below the poverty line. Many homes have radios, pick-up trucks, and televisions. Food and other goods are purchased in the nearby towns of San Ysidro and Bernalillo, or the city of Albuquerque.

The Zia are known for their fine pottery with its distinctive geometric, plant and bird motifs painted in black, henna, or buff colors on a white slip. The pots are a popular tourist item. Zia also make buckskin, baskets, and cloth.

According to the 2000 census (U.S. Census Bureau), 65 percent of the population 16 and over are in the labor force and 60 percent are employed. Sixty percent of workers are private wage and salary workers, 37 percent are government workers, and three percent are self-employed, including potters. One quarter of the employed work force are in management, professional and related occupations; 22 percent in sales and office occupations; 19 percent in service occupations; 19 percent in production, transportation and material moving occupations; and 13 percent in construction, extraction, and maintenance occupations. By industry, employment breaks down to 24 percent in manufacturing; 23 percent in public administration; 17 percent in education, health, and social services; seven percent in construction; and seven percent in wholesale or retail trade.

The Spaniards granted the Zia a tract of land one league square, or 16,282 acres, which was recognized as inalienable by Mexican and later United States governments. In 1938, under the New Deal, 40,585 acres were added to the original grant. Since then, permits and leases from federal agencies and state governments increased land holdings by another 57,807 acres. In 1973 the Zia controlled a total of 112, 510 acres of land. Some of the land is irrigated, however most of it is used for grazing livestock. The Pueblo collectively owns the land and individuals are only supposed to have usufruct to garden and grazing land, however, in practice individuals do sell and trade land. According to the 2000 census, all but one of the 155 homes on the reservation were owner occupied.

The Zia are a matrilineal society with clans and moieties.

According to White (1962), kinship terminology was in transition from a Crow type to a bilateral and generational system, indicating a breakdown of the clan system and influence of Spanish and American kinship systems.

Marriages are monogamous and sanctified for life. No formal courtship is practiced. Couples initiate marriage themselves, although they need the permission of parents and godparents. Close relatives gather to discuss the engagement and if all approve, the couple is considered married. A priest presides over a Catholic wedding usually when available around Christmas time. Divorce is rare. As Zia began to work and live off the reservation, marriages with non-Zia became more common. Most intermarriages occurred between Zia and Jemez, followed by Hopi, Navajo, and Acoma. Clan exogamy is no longer strictly enforced (see social organization). Since the 1970's the tendency is for newlyweds to move into a home of their own or if not possible into the home of either parents.

In 2000, the average household size was 4.17. Forty-four percent were headed by a married couple and 37 percent by a single female. Sixty-five percent of households had children under 18 years of age and ten percent of households had only a single occupant.

Men and women can own land and pass it on to their decedents, fathers to sons and mothers to daughters. If there are no children the land goes to brothers or sisters. In no case will a husband inherit land from his wife or VICE VERSA.

A naming ceremony is held when the newly born infant is four-days old. Cradleboards were once commonly used. Babies are always held and rarely left unattended. At the first cry they are picked up. Children are rarely scolded. Boys and girls play together. There is close association with adults. Aggressive behavior is shamed and fear of the supernatural used to influence good behavior. There is a complete lack of privacy. Children go to school at the age of 5 or 6. Bureau of Indian Affairs opened the first free school in 1885. Older children were sent to boarding schools in Albuquerque and Santa Fe, or Catholic schools in Bernalillo and Santa Fe. Beyond the modern curriculum taught in these schools, the schools have had an additional impact on Zia by exposing them to children from other pueblos, urban environment, and alternative ways of earning a living, some remaining in the city to work during the summer or after their graduation.

The clan system is no longer a major organizing principal of Zia society. Nevertheless it has left its mark on the Pueblo's structure, which is divided into two moieties, north and south, each with their own kiva and plaza. There are six matrilineal clans: Coyote, Saltbush, Corn, Bear, Tobacco, and Water. Clans are non-corporate and exogamous (cannot marry into the clan of father or mother), although this rule has been relaxed since the 1950's.

At the core of Zia social, political and religious organization were the secret societies. Each society has a supernatural patron and a charter based in myth. Each society is endowed with specific powers, which are expressed in unique rituals, songs, dances, altars, fetishes, badges, masks, costumes, and sand paintings. Societies have different functions such as curing, weather control, fertility, hunting, or war. Powers to perform cures comes from a variety of predators, such as lions, bears, badgers, wolves, eagles, shrews, or snakes; or from the sun and moon. Each society has a house, or at least a room in a house, usually with a secret entrance. Members join voluntarily, usually after being cured of an ailment, or are enrolled (pledged) by a parent. Sometimes a society will entrap new members by having them trespass a sacred space. Societies are open to men and women, and a person can belong to more than one society.

In 1950 there were seven curing societies, three of higher and four of lesser rank. At the top are the Flint (HICTIANYI), Giant (CKOYO), and Fire (HAKANYI), and below them are two pairs of minor curing societies, the KOSHAIRI (KOSHARE) and QUIRANA (KWIRAINA) societies, and the KAPINA and Snake (CROWI) societies. In addition to the curing societies, there were the weather-control and fertility societies, KATSINA (KACHINA) and GOMAIYAWIC (GOMAYAWISH); and Warriors' (OPI) and Hunters' (CAIYEIK, or SHAYEK) Societies. Members of the Fire Society practiced ceremonial fire eating, and Snake Society members handled snakes. By the 1960s membership in the societies was greatly diminished, with the major curing societies down to only around ten members each and the Warriors', Hunters', Kachina, and Gomayawish no longer in operation.

Traditional head of the pueblo was the TIAMUNYI (cacique in Spanish), who was considered sacred with spiritual powers. He was the mother goddess Utctsiti's representative in the world and therefore was addressed as "mother". He was freed from doing any physical labor and instead concentrated on spiritual affairs, watching over his people and prayed for their welfare. Under the Tiamunyi were three assistants (Tcraikatsi), the first and second war chiefs, and their four assistants. The Spaniards imposed a system of political and religious offices, including governor, lieutenant governor, capitaines (4), fiscales (2), and sacristan, all whose responsibility was to deal with outsiders. The Pueblo Council is open up to all adult males. The governor, war chief or fiscale mayor can convene a meeting. A war chief would call a meeting to discuss religious and ceremonial issues, and the governor if there is a secular dispute of some kind. In most cases the Tiamunyi does not attend.

The family, clan, secret society, and church are all institutions that have some bearing on an individual's behavior. Quarrels, petty theft, and adultery are considered private matters that do not warrant the attention of officials, however if any such matter escalates to the point that it affects the community then a council would be called to deal with it. Pueblo government and officers are responsible for law and order in the pueblo except for murder and rape, which comes under federal jurisdiction. Officers with the most authority are the tiamunyi, war chiefs, governor, and medicine men. War chiefs usually adjudicate religious matters and the governor, secular matters.

There is a universal obligation to participate in public affairs and consequently the Zia place a great deal of emphasis on maintaining cordial relationships. All aggressive behavior is looked down upon, including any behavior that might be misinterpreted as such.

The four-hundred-year presence of Catholicism has created a syncretic belief system among the Zia, who practice Catholicism above ground and their traditional religion associated with the secret societies, underground. The Zia have strongly resisted Protestantism and the conversion of some families into a Holy Roller sect has lead to a deep schism in their society. Traditional cosmology classifies the world into interrelated parts. The six cardinal points are each associated with specific warriors, women, animals, birds, snakes, trees, weather spirits, colors, and mountains. The cosmos has four layers with blue-green and red worlds lying between a bottom yellow world and top white one. At the center lie the Keresan pueblos. The gods, dead, and secret societies have specific locations within this cosmos. The most important deity is "prophesying woman" (Tsityostinako), who created the world through song. She lives in the yellow world from whence humans first emerged. Traditional religion is animistic in that e verything deemed important has a spirit. Much of Roman Catholic theology has been incorporated into Zia cosmology and myth.

A missionary was assigned to Zia in 1598 and a church and convent were built in 1613. By 1818 the missionary had left and Zia was served by the Jemez Pueblo priest, who would perform mass once or twice a year. Local fiscales, sacristan, and helpers assisted the priest. The Tiamunyi and war chiefs hold religious authority as well as the heads of the secret societies.

The Zia celebrate the Catholic holy days of Christmas, Easter, All Soul's Day, the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin, and the birthday of the their patron saint. Traditionally there are ceremonies for the turning of the sun (HANYIKIKYA) performed in November and March, or April, the exact date determined by the Tiamunyi. The four-day ceremony propitiates all spirits for abundant rain, crops, and game. In the summer, members of the secret societies go into seclusion in their ceremonial houses to pray for rain. The Green Corn Dance is the most famous of traditional ceremonies and is performed several times a year. Secret societies are responsible for different ceremonies and dances. The Zia share the Katsina complex with other pueblos, too.

What was once religious paraphernalia is now art and sold to tourists. Tourists can buy corn bead necklaces, sand paintings, dream catchers, custom kachinas, silver key chains, and beaded lanyards. Tourists can even pay to see ceremonial dance performances, such as the Hoop, Eagle, Horsetail, Grass, War, Round or Ribbon dance. An online website sells pueblo pottery including Zia pots.

Curers, or HONAWAI'AITI, employ three methods of curing from praying to full doctoring. The full-fledged curing societies are Flint, Giant, and Fire. Other societies do only prayer and partial doctoring. Since 1955 the pueblo has had access to modern medical care and facilities.

Burial is carried out soon after death, no later than the next day. The corpse is washed and dressed by family members. A grave is dug in the church cemetery by the capitani and sacristan. The body is wrapped in a blanket and if the deceased is a member of a secret society then his body is painted and dressed accordingly. Some food is placed in a bowl for the trip to the underworld. A soul-dispatching ceremony is held on the fourth day.

Documents referred to in this section are included in the eHRAF collection and are referenced by author, date of publication, and eHRAF document number.

There are eight documents in the Zia collection. The classic monograph is by Leslie White (1962, document no.1) whose fieldwork covered a thirty-year span. He focused mostly on secret societies, including membership, recruitment, and ceremonies. Hoebel wrote a brief account of Zia history and culture for the Handbook of North American Indians (Hoebel 1979, no. 2). He also wrote about Zia law (Hoebel 1969, no. 3). Lange (1952, no. 4) has written a detailed account of the famous Green Corn Dance; Hawley et al. (1943, no. 5) a nutritional study; Polese (1968, no. 6) on the Zia sun symbol; and Stevenson (1953, no. 7) on child birth.

For more detailed information on the content of the individual works in the collection, see the abstracts in the citations preceding each document.

This culture summary was written by Ian Skoggard in September 2003.

• KIVAS-ceremonial rooms-346

• KOSHAIRI-mythical being and secret society-575, 773, 776

• war captain-554, 624, 701

• TIAMUNYI-village head-622

• KACHINA-spirits impersonated by dancers-5311, 535, 776

Hoebel, E. Adamson. Zia Pueblo. In Alfonso Ortiz (Ed.). Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 9, Southwest. (pp 407-417). Washington: Smithsonian Institution. 1979.

Lange, Charles H. Keres Pueblo Indians. In Timothy O'Leary and David Levinson (Eds.). The Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 1, North America. (pp 179-182). Boston: G. K. Hall & Co. 1991.

White, Leslie A. The Pueblo of Sia, New Mexico. Washington: Smithsonian Institution, Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 184. 1962.