Navajo

WILLIAM Y. ADAMS AND IAN SKOGGARD

Apaches de Nabaju, Dine, Dineh, Dinneh, Navaho, Nabajo, Nabaju.

The Navajo are a large American Indian group currently located in Arizona and New Mexico. In sixteenth-century Spanish documents the Navajo are referred to simply as “Apaches,” along with all the other Athapaskan-speaking peoples of the New Mexico province. The more specific designation “Apaches de Nabaju” appears for the first time in 1626 and sporadically thereafter until the end of the seventeenth century. From about 1700 on, the people are always called “Navajo” (or “Nabajo”) in Spanish documents, and the name has been retained throughout the Anglo-American period. The source of the name is uncertain, but is believed to derive from a Tewa Pueblo Indian word for “cultivated fields,” in recognition of the fact that the Navajo were more dependent on agriculture than were other Athapaskan peoples. The spelling “Navaho” is common in English-language literature, but “Navajo” is officially preferred by the Navajo Tribe itself. In their own language, however, the Navajo refer to themselves as “Dine,” meaning simply “the people.”

In the Southwest, the traditional home of the Navajo has been on the Colorado Plateau—the arid and deeply dissected upland of northwestern New Mexico and northeastern Arizona. Elevations range from thirty-five hundred to more than ten thousand feet, with hot summers, cold winters, and relatively scant rainfall. Most of the area is covered by a scattered growth of piñon and juniper trees and sagebrush, but there are also extensive pine forests at the highest elevations and open grasslands at the lowest. The earliest known home of the Navajos was in the area between the Jemez and Lukachukai mountains, in what today is northwestern New Mexico, but subsequently the people expanded westward and northward into portions of present-day Arizona and Utah. The present Navajo Reservation occupies about twenty-five thousand square miles in the Four Corners area where Arizona, New Mexico, Utah, and Colorado come together.

The Navajo population in 1864 was probably somewhere between 16,000 and 20,000. By 1945 it had increased to about 55,000, and in 1988 it was estimated at about 200,000. There are large off-reservation Navajo populations in many cities of the Southwest, but the great majority of Navajo still live on the Navajo Reservation.

The Navajo language belongs to the Apachean branch of the Athapaskan family and is particularly close to the languages of the Tonto and Cibecue Apache tribes.

Ancestors of the Navajo and Apache peoples are thought to have migrated to the Southwest within the last one thousand years, probably from somewhere in the prairie regions of western Canada. They were originally hunters and foragers, but some of the groups, most particularly the Navajo, quickly adopted agriculture, weaving, and other arts from the sedentary Pueblo peoples of the Southwest. There then developed a kind of symbiotic relationship in which the Navajo supplied hides, piñon nuts, and other goods to the Pueblo villages in exchange for agricultural products, woven goods, and pottery. The coming of Spanish rule in 1598 created a new political and economic order, in which the Pueblos were directly under Spanish rule, whereas the Navajo and Apache were never subjugated but remained intermittently at war with the colonial overlords for the next two and a half centuries. From the newcomers the Navajo soon acquired sheep and goats, which provided them with a new basis of livelihood, and also horses, which greatly increased their ability to raid the settled communities both of the Pueblo Indians and of the Spanish settlers. By the end of the seventeenth century, the Navajo as well as the Apache had become widely feared raiders throughout the Southwest. The American annexation of New Mexico in 1848 did not immediately alter the pattern of Navajo raiding on the settlements of the Rio Grande Valley, and it was not until a decisive military campaign in 1864, led by Col. Kit Carson, that the Navajo were finally brought under military control, and the Navajo wars came to an end. About half the tribe was held in military captivity at Fort Sumner, in eastern New Mexico, until 1868, when a treaty was signed that allowed the people to return to their original homeland along the Arizona-New Mexico border. Since that time the tribe has steadily increased both in numbers and in territory, and the original Navajo Reservation has been enlarged to more than four times its original size.

Modern Navajo culture exhibits a unique blend of Athapaskan, Puebloan, Mexican, and Anglo-American influences. The Navajo preference for a scattered and semimobile mode of existence, in marked contrast to the Pueblo neighbors, is part of the original Athapaskan legacy, as is the ceremonial complex centering on the treatment of disease. On the other hand, much of the Navajos' actual mythology and ritual is clearly borrowed from the Pueblos, along with the arts of farming and weaving. From the Mexicans came the dependence on a livestock economy and the making of silver jewelry, which has become one of the most renowned of Navajo crafts. From the early Anglo-American frontier settlers the Navajo borrowed what has become their traditional mode of dress, as well as an increasing dependence on a market economy in which lambs, wool, and woven blankets are exchanged for manufactured goods.

Unlike other agricultural peoples of the Southwest, the Navajo have never been town dwellers. In the late prehistoric and early historic periods they lived in small encampments clustered within a fairly restricted area in northwestern New Mexico. Later, increasing warfare with the Spanish forced them to adopt a more mobile existence, and bands of Navajo might range over hundreds of miles between the Rio Grande and the Colorado River. Since their pacification in the 1860s, the Navajo have lived in extended-family encampments, usually numbering from two to four individual households, that are scattered over the length and breadth of the vast Navajo Reservation. Many extended families maintain two residential encampments a few miles apart. The summer camps are located close to maize fields and therefore are concentrated to some extent in the more arable parts of the reservation; the winter camps are more scattered and are located primarily for easy access to wood and water.

The society and economy of the Navajo have been continually evolving in response to new opportunities and challenges since their first arrival in the Southwest, so that it is difficult to speak of any traditional economy. During most of the reservation period, from 1868 to about 1960, the people depended on a combination of farming, animal husbandry, and the sale of various products to traders. The cultivation of maize was considered by the Navajo to be the most basic and essential of all their economic pursuits, although it made only a relatively small contribution to the Navajo diet. The raising of sheep and goats provided substantial quantities of meat and milk, as well as hides, wool, and lambs that were exchanged for manufactured goods at any of the numerous trading posts scattered throughout the Navajo country.

Additional income was derived from the sale or exchange of various craft products, especially rugs, and of piñon nuts. Beginning in the early 1900s, a few Navajo were employed by the Bureau of Indian Affairs and in off-reservation towns and ranches, but wage work did not become a significant feature of the Navajo economy until after World War II. By the 1980s, wage work was contributing about 75 percent of all Navajo income, although the more traditional farming and livestock economies were still being maintained throughout the reservation as well. Tourism, mineral production, and lumbering are the main sources of cash income on the Navajo Reservation.

The oldest of surviving Navajo crafts is probably that of pottery making. Only a few women still make pottery, but they continue to produce vessels of a very ancient and distinctive type, unlike the decorated wares of their Pueblo neighbors. The art of weaving was learned early from the Pueblos, but the weaving of wool into heavy and durable rugs in elaborate multicolored patterns is a development of the reservation period and was very much stimulated by the Indian traders. For a time in the late nineteenth century the sale of rugs became the main source of cash income for the Navajo. While the economic importance of weaving has very much declined in the twentieth century, most older Navajo women and many younger ones still do some weaving. Apart from woven goods, the most celebrated of Navajo craft products were items of silver and turquoise jewelry, combining Mexican and aboriginal Southwestern traditions. Although many Navajo still possess substantial quantities of jewelry, the silversmith's art itself has nearly died out. Other craft products that are still made in small quantities are baskets and brightly colored cotton sashes, both of which play a part in Navajo ceremonies.

In the prehistoric and early historic periods there was a substantial institutionalized trade between the Navajo and many of the Pueblo villages, and this persists on a small scale today. Since the later nineteenth century, however, most Navajo trade has been funneled through the trading post, which in most respects resembles the old country general store. Here clothing, housewares, bedding, hardware, and most of the other material needs of the Navajo are supplied in exchange for livestock products or, more recently, are sold for cash. Traditionally, most Navajo families lived on credit for much of the year, paying off their accounts with wool in the spring and with lambs in the fall.

In the traditional Navajo economy there was a rigid though not total division between male and female tasks. Farming and the care of horses were male activities; weaving and most household tasks were female activities. More recently, however, both sexes have collaborated in lambing, shearing, and herding activities, and both men and women are now heavily involved in wage work. Although males played the dominant roles in Navajo ritual activities, there has always been an important place for females as well.

Families traditionally have exclusive use rights to agricultural land as long as they actually farm it; if it lies uncultivated for more than two years another family may take possession. All range land, however, is treated as common and collective property of the whole community and is unfenced.

Every Navajo belongs to one of sixty-four matrilineal clans, but is also said to be “born for” the clan of his or her father. Strict exogamy is practiced on both sides. Apart from the clans, there are no formally designated units of kinship in Navajo society; people are known by the household or extended family in which they reside rather than by membership in a named kin group. Property, like clan membership, is inherited mainly in the female line.

Kin terms conform to the basic Iroquoian system.

Navajo marriages are the result of economic arrangements between kin groups. The great majority of marriages were always monogamous, but polygyny was permitted until recently, and it is estimated that about 10 percent of Navajo men had two or more wives. By far the most common form of polygyny was sororal. Residence for newly married couples was ideally uxorilocal, but there were many departures from this practice when economic circumstances made another arrangement preferable. It was also fairly common for couples to move from the wife's to the husband's residence group, or vice versa, at some time after their marriage. Neolocal residence was very unusual in the past, but is becoming increasingly common today, as couples settle close to where there are wage work opportunities. Both marriage and divorce involve very little formality, and the rate of divorce is fairly high. But the great majority of divorces take place between spouses who have been married less than two years.

The basic domestic unit in Navajo society is the biological or nuclear family. Its members traditionally live together in a single hogan (an earth-covered log dwelling) and take their meals together. The basic economic unit is the extended family, a group of biological families who live close together and share productive resources such as a maize field and a flock of sheep and goats in common. An extended family unit most commonly comprises the household of an older couple, plus the households of one or more of their married daughters, all situated “within shouting distance” of one another.

Basic productive resources are the collective property of the extended family and are not alienable by individuals; they are passed on from generation to generation within the group. Jewelry, saddles, horses, and many kinds of ceremonial knowledge are treated as personal property, however. Individuals have considerable freedom in disposal of these, although it is always expected that a woman will leave most of her personal property to her daughters and that a man will leave much of his property to his sister's children.

Children were and are raised permissively, and there is a marked respect for the personal integrity even of very young children. The main sanctioning punishments are shaming and ridicule. Children receive a good deal of formal training in various technical and craft activities from their parents, and boys may be schooled in ceremonial lore and ritual practice by their fathers or by their mothers' brothers. The recitation of myths by grandparents and other elders also contributes to the education of Navajo children.

There was no ranking in traditional Navajo society; social obligations were determined entirely by kinship and residence. Both men and women had fairly specific, lifelong obligations toward the family into which they were born as well as toward the family into which they were married. The father in each household was the recognized household head, and the father in the oldest household was the headman of each residence group, with considerable authority over the allocation of labor and resources among all the members of the group. The status of women was notably high.

There was no system of formal authority among the Navajo except that embodied in kinship relationships. In the prereservation period, however, the population was divided into a number of localized bands, and each of these had its recognized leader, although he had no coercive powers. In the reservation period, the organization into bands disappeared, but respected singers (medicine men) may act informally as local community leaders and as arbitrators of disputes. Political organization of the tribe as a whole was instituted only in 1923 and is modeled on the institutions of European and American parliamentary democracy rather than on aboriginal tradition. There is a tribal chairman and a vice chairman, elected by reservationwide popular ballot for four-year terms, a Tribal Council made up of elected delegates from each of about one hundred local “chapters,” and an Executive Committee elected by the members of the council. In most parts of the reservation there are also locally elected chapter officers who attend to the political needs of the local community.

The principal mechanism for the maintenance of order has always been the concept of collective responsibility, which makes all members of a family, or even of a clan, responsible for the good behavior of any individual member. Maintaining the good name of the family or clan within the community is an important consideration for all Navajo. In addition, the accusation of witchcraft was likely to be directed against persons who were considered to be “bad characters”; this in effect defined them as public enemies.

Conflict between individuals or families might arise for a variety of reasons. Disputes over the possession of farmland and disputes arising from poor marital relations were especially common in earlier times. All infractions except incest and witchcraft were treated as private wrongs, to be settled by negotiation between the kin groups involved. Locally respected medicine men might be called upon to arbitrate or advise in these disputes. There is, in addition, a system of Navajo Tribal Courts and a code of offenses adopted by the Navajo Tribal Council, but most Navajo still prefer to settle disputes without recourse to these institutions.

Navajo gods and other supernatural powers are many and varied. Most important among them are a group of anthropomorphic deities, and especially Changing Woman or Spider Woman, the consort of the Sun God, and her twin sons, the Monster Slayers. Other supernatural powers include animal, bird, and reptile spirits, and natural phenomena or wind, weather, light and darkness, celestial bodies, and monsters. There is a special class of deities, the YEI, who can be summoned by masked dancers to be present when major ceremonies are in progress. Most of the Navajo deities can be either beneficial or harmful to the Earth Surface People, depending on their caprice or on how they are approached. Navajo mythology is enormously rich and poetically expressive. According to basic cosmological belief, all of existence is divided between the Holy People (supernaturals) and the Earth Surface People. The Holy People passed through a succession of underworlds, each of which was destroyed by a flood, until they arrived in the present world. Here they created First Man and First Woman, the ancestors of all the Earth Surface People. The Holy People gave to the Earth Surface People all the practical and ritual knowledge necessary for their survival in this world and then moved away to dwell in other realms above the earth. However, they remain keenly interested in the day-to-day doings of the Earth Surface People, and constant attention to ceremonies and taboos is required in order to keep in harmony with them. The condition of HOZOJI, or being in harmony with the supernatural powers, is the single most important ideal sought by the Navajo people.

The most respected of Navajo ritual practitioners are called “singers.” These are men (or, very occasionally, women) who can perform in their entirety one or more of the major Navajo ceremonies. They are not shamans but priests who have acquired their knowledge and skills through long apprenticeship to an established singer. They are the most highly respected individuals in traditional Navajo society and frequently act as informal community leaders. Men with a lesser degree of ritual knowledge who can perform only short or incomplete ceremonies are referred to by another term, which might be translated as “curers.” There is in addition a special class of diagnosticians, or diviners, who use various shamanistic techniques to discover the source of a person's illness or misfortune and who then prescribe the appropriate ceremonial treatment.

In aboriginal times there were important Navajo ceremonies connected with war, hunting, agriculture, and the treatment of illness. In the reservation period, nearly all of the major public ceremonies have come to focus on curing in the broadest sense—that is, on the restoration of harmony with the supernaturals. There are, or have been, at least sixty major ceremonies, most of which involve an intricate combination of songs, prayers, magical rituals, the making of prayer-sticks and other paraphernalia, and the making of an elaborate dry-painting using colored sands. Masked dancers also play a part in some ceremonies. Ceremonies may last for two, three, five, or nine nights, depending partly on the seriousness of the condition being treated.

The artistic creativity of the Navajo finds expression in a wide variety of media, including poetry, song, dance, and costume. The most celebrated of Navajo artistic productions are the brightly colored rugs woven by women, and the intricate dry-painting designs executed by the singers as a part of each major ceremony. Dry-paintings were traditionally destroyed at the conclusion of each ceremony, but permanent reproductions of many of the designs are now being made on boards for sale commercially. In the present century, a number of Navajo have also achieved recognition as painters and have set up commercial studios in various western cities.

In traditional Navajo belief, all illness or misfortune arises from transgressions against the supernaturals or from witchcraft. Consequently, medical practice is essentially synonymous with ceremonial practice. There are particular kinds of ceremonies designed to treat illnesses caused by the patient's transgressions, by accidents, and by different kinds of witchcraft. Apart from ceremonial practices, there was formerly a fairly extensive materia medica of herbs, potions, ointments, and fumigants, and there were specialists who collected and applied these.

Traditionally, Navajo were morbidly afraid of death and the dead and spoke about them as little as possible. The dead were buried promptly and without public ceremony, although a great many ritual taboos were observed by the close kin of the deceased and by those who handled the corpse. Ideas about the afterlife were not codified in a systematic way, but varied from individual to individual. There was no concept of rewards and punishments for deeds done in this life; it seems that the afterworld was not thought of as a happy or desirable place for anyone.

As one of the largest Native American tribes, with a unique language, the Navajo are by far the most studied Native American culture in anthropology. In the eHRAF Collection of Ethnography, there are a total of 252 documents, 27,210 pages of text, published between 1873 and 2001. Because of the size of the collection, there is only space to list references under general categories. Documents are referenced by author, date of publication, and eHRAF document number.

ARCHAEOLOGY: (Brugge 1983, 197), (Farmer 1942, 125), (Hurt 1942, 127), (Hall 1944, 153).

ARCHITECTURE & THE ARTS: (Ballinger 1966, 233), (Corbett 1940, 71), (Frisbie 1980, 297), (Frisbie 1980, 300), (Haile 1942, 269), (Hartman 1987, 270), (Hurt 1942, 127), (Jett 1981, 271), (Kent 1982, 258), (Kent 1985, 274), (Kluckhohn 1938, 74), (Kluckhohn 1940, 47), (Matthews 1885, 59), (McAllester 1954, 215), (McAllester & Mitchell 1983, 206), (Newcomb 1956, 219), (Page 1937, 37), (Parezo 1982, 253), (Rodee 1982, 252), (Roessel 1983, 205), (Shufeldt 1889, 109), (Stephen 1894, 111), (Tschopik 1941, 40), (Walton 1930, 45), (Witherspoon 1977, 223), (Wyman 1938, 195).

CULTURE CHANGE: (Adair 1949, 50), (Adams & Ruffing 1977, 263), (Ch'iao 1971, 184), (Hill 1940, 12), (Hodge 1969, 265), (Kneale 1950, 146), (Rapoport 1954, 216), (Sasaki 1960, 218), (Williams 1970, 224).

ECONOMY: (Aberle 1983, 209), (Adair 1944, 90), (Adams 1963, 181), (Bartlett 1950, 148), (Bryan 1929, 79), (Downs 1964, 242), (Downs 1972 185), (Fewkes 1923, 150), (Gilbreath 1977, 296), (Goldfrank 1945, 130), (Hill 1937, 17), (Hill 1938, 8), (Hill 1940, 15), (Hill 1948, 14), (Kelley 1986, 272), (Kelley 1989, 273), (Kimball 1942, 88), (Kluckhohn et al. 1971, 192), (Kneale 1950, 146), (Landgraf 1950, 145), (Mathews 1883, 94), (Reno 1981, 280), (Roessel, R. 1983, 205), (Rodee 1982, 252), (Russell 1983, 243), (Stephen 1890, 111), (Stephen 1890, 115), (Stewart 1938, 41), (Stewart 1938, 92), (Tschopik 1938, 91), (United States 1973, 264), (Vogt 1960, 229).

EDUCATION: (Emerson 1983, 210), (Kneale 1950, 146).

ETHNOSCIENCE: (Brugge 1982, 255), (Elmore 1944, 267), (Haile 1947, 25), (Kent 1982, 258), (Reichard 1948, 149), (Tozzer 1908, 97), (Vestal 1952, 213), (Wyman & Harris 1941, 226).

FAMILY, MARRIAGE & KINSHIP: (Aberle 1974, 186), (Aberle 1981, 247), (Carr 1939, 61), (Chisholm 1983, 240), (Dennis 1940, 108), (Fewkes 1923, 150), (Freed, J. & Freed, R. 1970, 232), (Hoebel 1949, 114), (Kluckhohn 1947, 53), (Kluckhohn 1949, 66), (Landar 1962, 231), (Levy 1964, 234), (Newcomb 1939, 77), (Reichard 1928, 4), (Shepardson & Hammond 1970, 241), (Stephen 1890, 111), (Witherspoon 1975, 190), (Zelditch 1959, 236).

GAMES & HUMOR: (Haile 1933, 155), (Hill 1943, 11), (Reagan 1932, 154).

GENERAL ETHNOLOGY: (Bailey 1950, 54), (Beadle 1873, 77), (Haile 1932, 101), (Hill 1938, 8), (Kluckhohn 1944, 60), (Kluckhohn 1966, 225), (Kluckhorn & Leighton, D. 1946, 1), (Landgraf 1950, 145), (Leighton, D. & Kluckhohn 1947, 2), (Leighton, A. 1944, 3), (Reichard 1928, 4), (Reichard 1950, 63), (Wilson 1890, 110).

GOVERNMENT & POLITICS: (Goldfrank 1945, 130), (Hill 1940, 9), (Iverson 1983, 208), (Pearson 1969, 222), (Pillsbury 1951, 78), (Shepardson 1963, 183), (Shepardson 1983, 207), (Tome 1983, 212), (Van Valkenburgh 1945, 133), (Williams 1970, 224).

HEALTH & MEDICINE: (Adair & Deuschle 1970, 188), (Bailey 1940, 70), (Bergman 1983, 211), (Butte 1981, 248), (Carpenter 1939, 39), (Davies 2001, 295), (Elmore 1938, 75), (Heath 1964, 227), (Hill 1935, 19), (Hill 1938, 13), (Hill 1940, 15), (Hill 1946, 16), (Hrdlička 1908, 67), (Kunitz et al. 1969, 238), (Kunitz et al. 1971, 239), (Leighton, A. 1949, 302), (Lockett 1939, 56), (Moorman 1949, 137), (Morgan 1931, 62), (Page 1937, 104), (Stephen 1890, 115), (Trennert 1998, 283), (Wyman 1936, 36), (Wyman 1938, 195).

HISTORY, LEGENDS & MYTHS: (Bailey & Bailey 1986, 294), (Brewer 1937, 171), (Brugge 1978, 304), (Brugge 1983, 197), (Concha 1949, 128), (Gill 1983, 198), (Haile 1938, 26), (Haile 1943, 27), (Hill 1943, 20), (Hill 1943, 22), (Hill 1945, 21), (Hoopes 1946, 132), (Huscher 1942, 126), (Kimball 1946, 129), (O'Bryan 1956, 182), (Reeve 1946, 131), (Roessel 1983, 199), (Stephen 1936, 31), (Underhill 1948, 123), (Van Valkenburgh 1945, 133), (Wyman 1936, 96).

LANGUAGE: (Haile 1926, 28), (Haile 1941, 23), (Landar 1962, 231), (Witherspoon 1977, 223), (Witherspoon 1983, 203).

LAW & ETHICS: (Ladd 1957, 196), (Mathews 1899, 49), (Van Valkenburgh 1937, 42), (Van Valkenburgh 1937, 43), (Van Valkenburgh 1938, 44).

LIFE HISTORY: (Brewer 1937, 171), (Mitchell, R. 2001, 275), (Mitchell, F. 1978, 298), (Newcomb 1964, 277), (Oshley 2000, 279).

MORTUARY PRACTICES: (Brugge 1978, 304), (Frisbie 1978, 306), (Griffen 1978, 307), (Levy 1978, 309), (Senter 1937, 38), (Shepardson 1978, 308), (Stephen 1890, 115), (Ward 1978, 305).

PSYCHOLOGY: (Leighton, D. & Kluckhohn 1947, 2), (Leighton, A. 1942, 34), (Kluckhohn 1945, 52), (Kluckhohn 1945, 64), (Kluckhohn 1946, 51), (Steggerda 1936, 89), (Dennis 1940, 108), (Kluckhohn 1951, 118), (Leighton, A. 1941, 138), Henry 1947, 139), (Kaplan & Johnson 1964, 228).

RELIGION: (Aberle 1966, 191), (Aberle 1983, 202), (Blanchard 1977, 189), (Fransted 1982, 262), (Frisbie 1982, 256), (Goodwin 1945, 69), (Haile 1938, 26), (Haile 1943, 157), (Haile 1947, 25), (Henderson 1982, 260), (Hill 1935, 19), (Hill 1944, 10), (Hill 1946, 16), (Jett 1982, 259), (Kent 1982, 258), (Kluckhohn 1938, 46), (Kluckhohn 1940, 47), (Kluckhohn 1944, 60), (Kluckhohn 1951, 118), (Lamphere 1969, 230), (Leighton, A. 1941, 138), (Matthews 1898, 48), (Matthews 1898, 55), (McAllester 1954, 215), (Morgan 1931, 62), (Morgan 1932, 100), (Morgan 1970, 276), (Newcomb 1938, 76), (Newcomb 1939, 77), (Newcomb 1940, 99), (Opler 1943, 121), (Rapoport 1954, 216), (Reichard 1950, 63), (Rodee 1982, 252), (Shiya 1951, 117), (Toulouse 1982, 254), (Tozzer 1909, 103), (Tschopik 1938, 91), (Van Valkenburgh 1938, 172), (Werner et al. 1983, 204), (Witherspoon 1983, 203), (Wood 1982, 261), (Wyman 1936, 96), (Wyman 1936, 98), (Wyman 1938, 195), (Wyman 1942, 65), (Wyman 1943, 120), (Wyman 1943, 122), (Wyman 1945, 144), (Wyman 19 46, 80), (Wyman 1951, 147), (Wyman 1983, 201), (Wyman & Haile 1970, 299).

SEX & GENDER: (AIQ editors 1982, 293), (Bailey 1950, 54), (Downs 1972, 185), (Dyk 1951, 136), (Conte 1982, 289), (Frisbie 1967, 303), (Frisbie 1982, 284), (Frisbie 1989, 268), (Griffen 1982, 288), (Hamamsy 1957, 237), (Hill 1935, 93), (Joe 1982, 292), (Kluckhohn 1938, 74), (Kluckhohn 1948, 95), (Leighton, D. 1982, 285), (Metcalf 1982, 287), (Nez Denetdale 2001, 278), (Parezo 1982, 290), (Roessel 1981, 281), (Schwarz 1997, 282), (Shepardson 1982, 291), (Wright 1982, 286).

SOCIAL ORGANIZATION & RELATIONSHIPS: (Bauer 1983, 244), (Ch'iao 1971, 184), (Collier 1968, 187), (Downs 1972, 185), (Kimball 1942, 88), (Lamphere 1977, 193), (Levy 1962, 235), (Parezo 1982, 253), (Roberts 1951, 217), (Sasaki 1960, 218), (Shepardson & Hammond 1970, 241), (Witherspoon 1983, 200).

VETERANS & WAR: (Adair 1949, 50), (Hill 1936, 18), (Johnston 1942, 58), (Vogt 1951, 214).

For more detailed information on the content of the individual works in this collection, see the abstracts in the citations preceding each document.

This culture summary is based on the article "Navajo" by William Y. Adams, in Timothy O'Leary and David Levinson (Eds.). 1991. Encyclopedia Of World Cultures, Vol. 1, North America. Boston: G. K. Hall & Co. We thank Charlotte Frisbie for helping in the selection of documents. Ian Skoggard updated population figures based on the 1990 and 2000 U.S. census.

• Advisory committee -- advisers to the tribal council -- category 647

• Blessing Way ceremony -- categories 755, 796, 751

• camp -- 2-10 separate households living in a geographically distinct residence area -- categories 596, 621

• Bureau of Indian Affairs--657

• chapters -- moderately large political units -- category 631

• clan groups -- category 614 (sometimes with 615)

• code talkers (during World War II) -- category 708

• Community Effort for Economic Development (CEED) -- an organization designed to help promote small businesses at the local chapter level -- category 179

• constitutional assembly -- category 646

• cooperating groups -- see "outfit"

• co-residential kin groups -- category 613

• district grazing committees -- categories 647, 233, 634 (sometimes 654 applicable)

• DINEBEIINA NAHILNA BE AGADITAH (D.N.A.) -- a legal aid service designed to provide free legal advice to the Navajo -- category 693

• field matrons -- similar in function to visiting nurses (non-Navajo)-- categories 657, 748

• grattage -- a special surgical procedure used by government doctors in the treatment of trachoma in which the granules inside the eyelids are scraped off with a special instrument -- categories 657, 744

• hand tremblers -- categories 756, 791 (depending on context)

• hand trembling divination -- category 787

• HATLI -- chanter -- category 756

• homestead group -- category 596

• HWELDE -- a reference to the march of the Navajo to Fort Sumner following the Navajo wars -- category 727

• Ideal Woman -- 885

• Indian Health Service (His)-744

• JISH - medicine pouch -- 778

• KINAALDÁ -- a girl's first menses and accompanying ceremony -- category 881

• land management districts -- 18 in all on the reservation -- categories 634/657

• land use community -- see "outfit"

• NAACHID -- a winter council -- category 623

• NAT'ANI (NAAT'AANIIS) -- headman -- category 622 (sometimes with 624)

• Native American Church--795

• natural communities -- category 621

• Navajo Nation's Historic Preservation Department (NNHPD) -- category 814

• New Mexico Association of Indian Affairs (NMAIA) -- a private charitable organization involved in promoting Indian health care issues -- category 747

• Office of Navajo Economic Opportunity (ONEO) -- an organization designed to help the Navajo in proposing economic programs and in administering federal money to operate the projects -- category 179

• outfit (called cooperating groups by Malcolm Collier) -- social units more extended than residence groups which cooperate with one another in various economic activities -- categories 596, 613 (sometimes with 628 and 476)

• POBRES -- peasants, commoners -- category 565

• pollen - 243, 782, 824

• residence groups -- one or more closely related households living in close proximity to one another -- category 596

• RICO -- nobility; individuals of high status and wealth constituting a class-like structure in the society -- categories 565, 554, 556

• singers -- curing and religious functionaries -- category 756 (sometimes combined with 796 and 755)

• Squaw Dance -- categories 755, 535

• star-gazers -- category 756

• stock reduction -- category 233 (sometimes with 179)

• tribal council (modern -- post 1923) -- category 643

• YEI -- the Holy People -- category 776

Kluckhohn, Clyde, and Dorothea Leighton (1946). The Navaho. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Leighton, Dorothea, and Clyde Kluckhohn (1948). Children of the People. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

Locke, Raymond F. (1976). The Book of the Navajo. Los Angeles: Mankind Publishing Co.

Ortiz, Alfonso, ed. (1983). Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 10, Southwest, 489-683. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution.

Underhill, Ruth (1956). The Navajos. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.