Cherokee

Authors: Mary Jo Tippeconnic Fox and John Beierle

Ani-Yun’wiya, Ani-Kituwagi, Chalakee, Chalagi, Jalagi, Tsalagi, Tallageni, Tisolki, Tiloki

Cherokees call themselves Ani-Yun’wiya, the principal or real people, and believe they originated from the ancient town of Keetoowah (the mother town). They are also known as Ani-Kituwagi (Keetoowah people, sometimes spelled Kituwah or Giduwa). Cherokee is most likely derived from the Choctaw word Chalakee, which Cherokees accepted in the form of Chalagi or Jalagi. Cherokee is the English version (Fitzgerald & Conley, 2002). Additional tribal terms for Cherokees are Tsalagi, meaning people of the land of caves, from Choctaw, Tallageni from the Delaware, and Tisolki or Tiloki, people of a different speech, from the Creek (Waldman, 1999). The Cherokee aboriginal homelands are in the current southern Appalachians of North America. Western North Carolina was the heart of their lands, but they also lived in present day South Carolina, northern Georgia, northeast Alabama, eastern Tennessee, Georgia, Kentucky, West Virginia, and Virginia. In 2006, Cherokees live primarily in Oklahoma (Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma and United Keetoowah Band) and North Carolina (Eastern band). Cherokees live all over the world with organized communities in California, New Mexico, Texas, Kansas and elsewhere (Fitzgerald & Conley, 2002).

The registered population of the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma, in 2006, is over 200,000, one of the largest federally recognized tribes in the United States. The Eastern band has approximately 13,500 members. At contact with Europeans, the Cherokees had approximately 160-200 towns with populations ranging from hundreds to thousands and were the largest tribe in the southern frontier of British America (Strickland, 1975).

The Cherokee are Iroquoian-speaking people, and the Cherokee language is related to the languages spoken by the Mohawk, Seneca, Cayuga, Oneida, Onondaga, and Tuscarora. In early times, Cherokees were divided geographically and linguistically into Upper Towns, Lower Towns, and Middle Towns, with each speaking a different dialect of the language (Fitzgerald & Conley, 2002) The Atali, Elati, and Kituhwa dialects were spoken respectively in the Upper Towns, Lower Towns, and Middle Towns (Pritzker, 2000). In 1821, Sequoyah (George Guess), after twelve years, created a Cherokee syllabary, a writing system comprised of 85 characters representing all the sounds in the Cherokee language. The syllabary was widely accepted and allowed the Cherokee Nation to have a written constitution, a newspaper and become literate (Fitzgerald & Conley, 2002, Waldman, 1999).

Cherokees believe they come from the center of the world, and the first man and woman were Kana’ti and Selu (Perdue, 1989). Their way of life evolved from nomadic existence to a life in villages with farming. The first contact with Europeans occurred in 1540 when the Hernando de Soto expedition passed through their country. After the initial departure of the Spanish, Cherokees did not have contact with Europeans until the 17th century; with prolonged contact in the 18th century. In the 18th century, the British, Spanish, and French all sought to have the Cherokees be their ally in the European struggle for North America. In the American Revolution, the Chickamaugas, a faction of Cherokee Nation who once settled along the Chickamaugas Creek near the Tennessee River, sided with the British. Officially, the Cherokee Nation tried to remain neutral. After the war, the United States wanted Cherokee land, and a plan was formulated to move Indians west of the Mississippi River. As pressure for lands increased, some Cherokees moved west voluntarily as early as 1792, and in 1830, the Indian Removal Act was passed by Congress. The Cherokee Nation resisted and took their case to the U.S. Supreme Court and won. In the end, President Andrew Jackson defied the ruling, and a fraudulent removal treaty (Treaty of New Echota) was signed in 1835 by some Cherokees that did not represent the Nation. The treaty took all the Cherokee land in the East. The removal of Cherokees is known as the “Trail of Tears” which began in 1838. Approximately 4000 Cherokees lost their lives during the “Trail of Tears.” To avoid removal, approximately 1000 Cherokees fled into the hills; they are the ancestors of the Eastern Band of Cherokees in North Carolina (Perdue, 1989). Once in their new home in the present state of Oklahoma, Cherokees had to rebuild. By the early 1840’s, the Cherokee Nation was prospering and this period is referred to as their “Golden Age.” In the Civil War, Cherokees fought on both sides, and as a result, the U.S. government punished them along with the Creeks, Choctaws, Chickasaws, and Seminoles by forcing a new treaty which took land and organized the five nations into “Indian Territory ” with a federal court given jurisdiction. This was the first step toward Oklahoma statehood which occurred in 1907. At this time, Cherokee land was broken up into individual allotments, remaining lands were declared surplus, and Cherokees became citizens of the U.S. and Oklahoma. Cherokee Nation remained a legal government after statehood but with almost no powers (Fitzgerald and Conley, 2002).

The Eastern bands of Cherokees had a difference experience. They trace their origins to the treaty of 1819, which allowed Cherokees living in the ceded territory to register for individual reservation land (640 acres), and become citizens of the United States and North Carolina. The federal government granted the reservations, but North Carolina had already sold the lands so compensation had to be arranged. Because they settled along the Occonaluftee River, they were originally known as the Oconaluftee Cherokees. Several attempts were made by the federal government to have them join the Cherokees in the West, but they were determined to stay in the East. The Oconaluftee Cherokees sided with the Confederacy during the Civil War out of loyalty to William Holland Thomas, friend of the Cherokees, though some individuals later changed their allegiance. After the Civil War, the Cherokees were granted the right to vote in North Carolina, wrote a constitution, elected a chief and council, and were federally recognized as the Eastern Cherokees in 1868 (Perdue, 1989). Until the Eastern Cherokees were recognized by the federal government, they were isolated from the impact of assimilation policies which helped to maintain their traditions and customs. In 1984 after 150 years, the councils of Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma and the Eastern Band met and planned to meet periodically (Waldman, 1999).

In the 21st century, Cherokees are a diverse group with many individuals embracing traditions (including language) and others choosing various other life paths.

At contact, Cherokees occupied at one time or another approximately 160 to 200 villages (towns) with an estimated population of 22,000. In early 1700, the Cherokees are estimated to have had 53 to 75 separate towns with average population of 187 to 197 (Thornton, 1999). Cherokees lived on rivers and streams where they could farm and fish with each village having a council house and plaza. The council house was a large circular building with walls constructed of interwoven saplings with plaster substance of mud. In the summer, they lived in wooden shelters and in the in the winter in a conical house with a hearth. The summer shelters were rectangular with peaked roofs, pole frames, cane and clay walls, and bark or thatch roofs. The winter house was placed over a pit with a cone shaped roof of poles and earth. A vertical log wall often surrounded the villages for protection (Waldman, 1999). Overtime, Cherokees adopted the lifestyle of the white settlers which their towns and homes reflect.

The Cherokees were primarily horticulturalists and hunters when Europeans encountered them. They grew corn, the crop of choice, beans, squash, pumpkins, sunflowers, and tobacco. Women tended the fields, gathered foods and herbs, and the men were hunters, warriors, and responsible for foreign policy. Men fished and hunted mainly deer, turkey, and bear as well as birds, and rabbits. Most parts of the animals were used for clothing, ornaments, tools, and ceremonial objects. After the American Revolution, Cherokees life changed as they adopted new methods of farming and business from settlers. Cherokees in 2006 primarily work for wages in various jobs and professions though some may continue to farm.

Cherokees did not value accumulation of wealth or property, and they disapproved of producing or hunting more than was needed. Producing for a market was likely a foreign concept before contact, though trade may have existed. Women coordinated the redistribution of produce for feasts and also to aid those who crops failed. After contact with Europeans, trade came under the responsibility of the men as a market for deerskins and captives developed. Deerskins were the currency of the 18th century for the Cherokees (Perdue, 1998). Cherokees, in the 21st century, are involved in a variety of commercial activities including gaming, tourism, arts and crafts, and other economic ventures.

Furnishing the home was the responsibility of the women, and before contact with Europeans, they made most of the items needed. Benches, baskets, pottery, clothes, tools, and other items needed to maintain the household and work the fields. Trade especially in the 18th century with Europeans brought tools, utensils, and materials that made life easier. Most Cherokees in the 21st century have adopted the consumer lifestyle of the American mainstream.

Cherokees traded with other tribes before contact, and occasionally with a few traders from Virginia or Carolina in the 17th century. Significant trade did not occur until the 18th century when traders began to build stores in Cherokee country. Traders brought European manufactured goods to the Cherokees and wanted to buy mainly deerskins and war captives. War captives were usually from other tribes and traders sold them as slaves. This was a change from the usual practice of War Women, honored Cherokee women who distinguished themselves in battle, determining which captives to kill (usually men), and women of clans (lineages) deciding if captives were to be adopted, typically women and children. Once condemned, the captives were tortured and killed by the village women to avenge the deaths of relatives (Perdue, 1998). Trade was a responsibility of Cherokee men with limited activity by women. Women became dependent on men to provide materials for the home, farming, and clothing. Many Cherokees abandoned their own crafts as trade with Europeans became a necessity. As a result, many traditional beliefs about hunting began to change as the demand for skins increased, and guns and ammunition became vital for hunting and protection. In addition, intermarriage with people of European descent and later with people of African descent upset the traditional social organization and clan system.

Cherokee men and women had separate and distinct responsibilities. The tasks performed and the contribution of men and women were essential to the society. Women farmed, cared for children, cooked, made household goods, and performed other domestic chores. Men were hunters and warriors and helped the women occasionally with clearing the fields, planting, and harvesting. This customary division of labor changed as Cherokees were influenced by their association with Europeans and Americans. The United States government wanted to “civilize” the Cherokees into Anglo-American culture by making the men into farmers and women into chaste housewives. To accomplish this goal, in the early 1800s the U.S. governments sent agents and supported missionaries to live among the Cherokees. The agents and missionaries were largely responsible for transforming the culture; many Cherokees believed change was their best protection against removal from their homelands. Over time, the division of labor between Cherokee men and women changed to reflect the values and lifestyle of American society.

The fields belonged to the matrilineage that used them, and they were inherited through maternal kin to succeeding generations of women. Cherokees viewed all natural resources as free and common goods according to their traditions. This view later changed with allotment of tribal lands and individual ownership became a reality. In the 21st century, the Cherokee Nations have lands owned in common, and many Cherokees, in Oklahoma, continue to live on their allotted lands.

The basic kinship unit of the Cherokee was the clan, and lineage affiliations were traced through the woman (matrilineal). People belonged to the clan of their mother, and their relatives were those who could be traced through her, including siblings, maternal grandmother, maternal uncles and maternal aunts. The children of maternal aunts were kin but those of the maternal uncles were not. Children were not considered blood relatives of their father or grandfather. The total clan did not live together but the core members of the household belonged to the same clan (Perdue, 1998). Cherokees of the 18th century had seven clans, and most villages had members from each of the seven clans. Intermarriage with non-Indians, primarily Euro-Americans, challenged the clan system of the Cherokees. Instead of following strict clan traditions, the Cherokee woman and her children lived according to the lifestyle of the non-Cherokee husband. Yet, the children were considered Cherokee and part of the mother’s clan. Many Cherokees in the 21st century do not know their clans, and the clans do not function as they did long ago. Vestiges of clan lifestyle can still be seen, and the official Cherokee Nation flag symbolizes the seven clans in a seven-pointed star in the center (Fitzgerald & Conley, 2002).

In the matrilineal clan, all members of the mother’s clan are related and accepted as family members, and the mother’s sisters would be her children’s mothers. Mother was a social rather than a strictly biological role. Cherokees did not consider a child related by blood to the father or the father’s family. Yet, the children knew and respected their father (Perdue, 1998). A European-style first cousin would be referred to as a brother or sister in the Cherokee clan system but only on the mother’s side of the family. Kinship terminology used in 2006 by Cherokees mainly mirrors the larger American society through there may be an awareness of traditional terminology.

Embedded in the clan system was the regulation that clan members were forbidden to marry one another. To do otherwise was considered incestuous and carried a penalty of death. Marriages formed alliances among clans and guaranteed survival (Hill, 1997). It was the clan not the marriage that united Cherokees for life. Marriage was a family affair, and a couple had to obtain consent from their relatives to marry. Relatives strongly encourage marriage but never forced couples to marry against their will. Out of respect for their parents, children sometimes married someone they did not prefer. The couple followed prescribed protocol for courting and marriage. As a matrilocal and matrilineal society, the couple lived in the household of the mother, sisters, and her sister’s husbands and children. Historically, marriage of men to more than one woman (polygyny) of the same lineage, often sisters, was common and practical, but no evidence of multiple husbands (polyandry) existed. Missionaries discouraged polygyny and it was outlawed in the 1800s by the Cherokee National Council (Perdue, 1998). Clan regulations and protocols on marriage have changed for many Cherokees as they have accepted Christianity and been impacted by Europeans and Americans. Others continue to honor their traditions and customs.

The Cherokees were matrilocal and matrilineal historically. Once married, the man would live at his wife’s house. The household could include his wife’s mother her sisters, her sister’s children and husbands and unmarried brothers. The households which were domains of the women were large and the only permanent members were the women. If the marriage did not work out, the husband moved out and into his own mother’s house. Children stayed with the mother. There was no stigma attached to Cherokees who dissolved their marriages and later remarry. The matrilineal clan system began to change once intermarriage occurred between Europeans and Cherokee women because most European men would not accept it. A Cherokee woman lived in her husband’s home; their children took the father’s name and inherited the father’s property, but affiliated with the mother’s clan. In addition, the children often spoke English and Cherokee, received some education, and adopted the customs of Europeans (Perdue, 1998). Eventually, men became heads of the households of many Cherokees replacing the clan system.

In the clan system, marriage gave the husband no right to the property of this wife, the produce and fields belonged to the household. Cherokees did not value accumulating property. If a child’s parents died, clan members cared for the children (Perdue, 1998). This later changed as Cherokees adopted Euro-American lifestyles and inheritance laws were established and followed.

As soon as a child was born, the mother and other relatives took steps to form the child’s personality and character. The mother’s brothers and female relatives had the responsibility for the children, and it was the family of the mother that controlled the lives of the children. A female child was the proper daughter of female relatives, and it was the maternal grandmothers or eldest female clan relative that named infant girls. Men assumed other responsibilities for clan children such as training and educating their sister’s sons. Boys were trained by their uncles or mother’s brothers to hunt and when old enough to go to war. The children owed great respect to the maternal uncles.

The specializations and customs of each clan moved through time and across generations in this way (Hill, 1997). The relationship between parents and children was one of respect, which extended to aunts, uncles, nieces, and nephews. In kinship terms, the relationship extended to all members of one’s clan (Perdue, 1998).

The clan traditionally fulfilled the responsibilities of government through retribution and retaliation. Those of proven ability provided the leadership and men and women participate in decision-making. Women held power within their families and within the village. In council, Cherokee women freely voiced their opinions as well as men. There was no shame attached to men who listened and severe public tongue-lashings to anyone who did not (Sattler, 1995). Issues were debated until a consensus was reached. It was a common language, kinship system and shared beliefs not government that unified the Cherokees (Perdue, 1998). One of the most serious issues a town council debated was whether to go to war. The reason for war was to avenge deaths, and the decision to participate was up to individuals. As traders and other Europeans began living among the Cherokee in the 17th century, many of them married Cherokee women and mixed-blood families formed as a result. As the mixed population grew so did their influence in Cherokee government because they understood the American political system and promoted it. Many of them became part of a faction of Cherokees known as “progressives.” Progressives were Cherokees who adopted the lifestyle of their Euro-American neighbors including slavery, education, individual property and the accumulation of wealth in the 1800s. At the same time, there were Cherokees called traditionalists, often full-bloods, who wanted to preserve and follow the old lifestyle (Perdue, 1989).

In Cherokee society, the clan originally fulfilled the responsibilities of government but each of the towns were autonomous with two chiefs, a war or Red chief and a peace or White chief with minimal powers. The White chief made decisions concerning farming, lawmaking and disputes, and the Red chief gave advice about war. Cherokee settlements did come together for ceremonies and war. When issues arose, decisions involved the entire town including women which met to address the issue until consensus was reached. Europeans found involving women as usual and labeled the Cherokee as having a “petticoat” government (Fitzgerald & Conley, 2002). It was not until the 18th century that the Cherokees had a chief, national council, and the first constitution was written in 1827. After removal and Oklahoma became a state, the Cherokee Nation was abolished but it remained a legal government with little power. It was 1970 before the Cherokee Nation could vote for a principal chief again. Up to this time, the United States President appointed the chief. Eastern Cherokees wrote their first constitution, elected a chief and council in 1868. In 2006, the Cherokee Nation in Oklahoma has its own courts, marshals, elections, updated constitution, many service programs and tribal enterprises including gaming. Cherokee Nation and the Eastern Band of Cherokees are doing well and developing services and enterprises for their respective communities and each is led by an elected Principal Chief, Deputy Principal Chief and a Council.

The goal of Cherokees was to maintain harmony and balance or else disease or disasters might occur. Kinship governed how Cherokees behaved with each other and extended to all members of one’s clan, and the matrilineal clan was the arbiter of justice. If a person was wronged or killed, the injured person or clan obtained retribution or vengeance. Retaliation was the criminal code and it applied to murder and lesser crimes. The most serious crime was murder, and it required death of the killer or a relative, to restore harmony and balance. To maintain order, war parties were formed to seek vengeance for Cherokees killed; this was the only reason to go to war. The purpose of sustaining harmony controlled Cherokees behavior in both domestic and foreign affairs. Cherokees were expected to control their behavior and follow the rules such as not exploiting nature. Harmony and balance were central to religion and ceremony and maintaining it prevented disaster. Children were given instruction and expected to behave. If they did not behave, they were teased, shamed, or humiliated (Perdue, 1998). As the influence of the kinship system decreased because of Euro-American contacts, formal laws were created by a central Cherokee government to maintain social control.

Traditional Cherokees did not have policemen or law courts, and it was up to the injured person or their clan to seek vengeance (see Social Control). In 2006, Cherokees have courts and police in their communities with jurisdiction on land owned by the Cherokee Nations and individual property held in trust by the federal government (Fitzgerald & Conley, 2002).

Sustaining harmony was at the center of Cherokee religion, and they had faith in supernatural forces that linked humans and all living things (Strickland, 1982). They did not separate spiritual and physical realms, and the Cherokee practiced their religion in private and at public ceremonies. Purification rituals cured and prevented disease and prepared individuals for war, hunting, fishing, planting, childbirth, and other activities. Cherokee men went through rituals which purified them before and after hunts and warfare. There were also precautions associated with menstruation. Most Cherokee dances honored spirits or commemorated important events while others were farcical. One of the most important ceremonies was the annual Green Corn Ceremony. Cherokees believed that harmony and balance were necessary or disasters might occur such as droughts, storms, disease, or other disasters. It was their major purpose to keep everything in harmony and balance which meant that nature was not to be exploited. Also, Cherokees believed in witchcraft, and witches were human beings with special powers (Perdue, 1989). Many Cherokees accepted Christianity in the 18th century while others practiced traditional spirituality. In 2006, Cherokees continue to practice non-native religions, traditional beliefs, or both.

Misfortune was attributed to lack of harmony and balance, which could include witchcraft, and conjurors (medicine people or shamans) were sought to counter the problem. Conjurors had a range of skills from naming a baby to resolving marital problems. The spiritual and physical realms were not separate and illnesses had spiritual causes and cures. Both men and women could be medicine people and conjure cures (Perdue, 1998). Today, medicine people continue to be used and respected by many Cherokees.

Most ceremonies for Cherokees centered on healing, hunting, and subsistence activities. One of the most important ceremonies was the annual Green Corn Ceremony, which marked the social and spiritual regeneration of the community and redistribution of goods and produce. The role women played in this ceremony symbolized their role in Cherokee society. Selu was the first woman, the spirit of corn and by honoring corn respect was paid to Cherokee women. During this ceremony, villagers cleaned their houses, council houses, discarded any food and broken items from the preceding year and extinguished old fires as gestures of renewal. Unhappy marriages were dissolved and all wrongs, except murder, were forgiven. The women presented new corn, prepared a feast, and redistributed goods. The New Year began with order restored. (Perdue,1989). In the late 19th century, the feast of propitiation and cementation was combined with the Green Corn Ceremony. Other rituals, especially those associated with planting, disappeared as a result of Cherokees abandoning villages (towns) and living on isolated homesteads for protection as a result of increased warfare in the 18th century. Another important celebration was the scalp dance performed primarily by women with songs of valor and deeds about victorious warriors. In Cherokee culture, songs are both spiritual and social. Singing was an important component of ceremonies, dances and events such as the scalp dance and ball games (lacrosse). Many spiritual and social ceremonies, including songs, dances, and ball games continue in the lives of 21st century Cherokees.

Cherokees fashioned objects for practical and ceremonial uses. Historically, Cherokees created plaited basketwork, stamped pottery, carved wood and gourds, masks (Booger masks represented evil spirits), and animal figure stone pipes (Waldman, 1999). To decorate their baskets, women created dyes from bloodroot, butternut, walnut, and other plants. Baskets had many uses and pottery was made from native clay and hardened in open fires (Perdue, 1989). Men crafted and used bows and arrows, traps, blowguns, darts, hooks, and nets to hunt and fish. These were made by chipping flint, other stones, bone, and various materials. In the 21st century, Cherokees are creating numerous art objects based on original designs, materials and techniques. Cherokee artists are handcrafting baskets, arrowheads, carvings, masks, jewelry, beaded bags, dolls, pottery, knives, prints, and woven items to sell. (For music and dance see Ceremonies.)

Plants and herbs were used to heal and treat various illnesses based upon traditional knowledge and customs. Cherokee women were the farmers and gatherers; they knew the plants and herbs. Illnesses were often associated with being out of balance and not in harmony. Medicine people (men or women) or shamans used various plants, herbs, and ceremonies to cure and restore balance. Some knowledge and use of traditional cures (medicines) continues into the 21st century, but most Cherokees now use Western treatments with some people utilizing both.

Cherokees believed in an afterlife, Nightland. or Darkening Land. As Strickland (1975, p. 23) states that “There is a supernatural world to which the ghosts of all men desire to go. Actions on earth, either one’s own or those of a clan brother, may prevent passage into the afterworld, or Nightland. Duties of blood and oaths are, therefore, to be highly regarded.” If a Cherokee was killed, the death had to be avenged before the person could enter the afterlife. Cherokees were scared of death and the evil spirits linked with it. It was reported in 1760 that Cherokees threw their dead into rivers and seldom buried them. Strickland (1975) indicates this was rare, and more likely the burial ceremony had religious significance with personal processions buried with the individual or destroyed. The responsibility for the burial rested with kinsmen, and often clan members were buried together. Clans did not mourn the death of individuals not in their clan. The practice of burying valuable processions with the deceased ended by the American Revolution as Cherokees accumulated wealth through trade (Perdue, 1998). In the 18th century, many Cherokees accepted Christian beliefs including those of death and afterlife while others continue to practice traditional spirituality.

Documents referred to in this section are included in the eHRAF collection and are reference by author, date of publication, and eHRAF document number.

The NN08 Cherokee collection consists of 46 English language documents, covering a time span from 1540, the period of the first Cherokee-European contacts, to the early twenty-first century. Considerable emphasis is placed on culture history, economy, society, and Cherokee-Euro-American relations. The primary works dealing with these ethnographic topics are: Wahnenauhi, 1966, n. 5; Gearing, 1962, no. 13; Mooney, 1988, no 21; Gilbert, 1978, no 23; Perdue, 1995, no. 39; Finger, 1991, no. 41; King, 1979, no. 49; Sturtevant, 1979, no. 53; Davis, 1979, no. 56; Reed, 1979, no. 57; King, 1979, no. 58, Iobst, 1979, no. 59 and Witthoft, 1979, no. 60. There is no single work in this collection that gives a complete overview of all aspects of Cherokee ethnography, but the combination of the various documents listed above will give the reader a good idea of what the Cherokee were like.

Folklore, myths, and magical formulas are a primary focus of interest in the Kilpatrick and Kilpatrick documents 1966, 1965, 1967, and 1970, nos. 7, 9, 11, and 15, as well as in Mooney, 1988, no. 21.

Nearly all the studies in this collection deal at some level with the topics of socio-cultural change and acculturation, especially Gulilck and Williams, 1973, no. 1; Kupferer, 1966, no. 6; Neely, 1992, no. 37; Finger, 1991, no. 41; McLoughlin et al, 1984, no. 44, and Witthoft, 1979, no. 60.

The evolution of Cherokee law and government are the subject of three works; Strickland, 1975, no. 12, focuses on the transformation of Cherokee law and justice from the time of the first specialized Cherokee legal institutions and law coded in 1808 until the dissolution of the Cherokee court system by the Federal government in 1898. Reid, 1970, no. 14 complements the above study by focusing on Cherokee law and government in the historic period prior to the nineteenth century, and finally, Reid, 1979, no. 51, which discusses law in relationship to homicide in the seventeenth century.

Other ethnographic subjects which may be of some interest to the reader are: sex and gender in Cherokee society in Fox, 2603, no. 35; invention of the Cherokee writing system (Syllabary) in Perdue, 1995, no. 39; origin and development of the Cherokee Ghost Dance (ca. 1789-1810) in McLoughlin et al, 1984, no. 45; shamanism, witchcraft, sorcery, and mysticism in Irwin, 1992, no. 46, Fogelson, 1977 , 1975 nos. 47 and 48.

For more detailed information on the content of the individual works in this collection, see the abstracts in the citations preceding each document.

This culture summary was written by Mary Jo Tippeconnic Fox in June 2006. The synopsis and indexing notes were added by John Beierle also in June 2006.

American Indian Federation (AIF) - use "POLITICAL MOVEMENTS (668)"

Anomie - use "SOCIOCULTURAL TRENDS (178)" and "FUNCTIONAL AND ADAPTATIONAL INTERPRETATIONS (182)"

asi-sweat lodge - use "OUTBUILDINGS (343)"

Cherokee Historical Association (CHA) - use "HUMANISTIC STUDIES (814)"

Community Action Programs - use "ECONOMIC PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT (179)”

Community development clubs - use "SODALITIES (575)"

dida:hnese:sg-SORCERER/WITCH - use "SORCERY (754)"

dida:hnvwi:sg – medicine man - use "SHAMANS AND PSYCHOTHERAPISTS (756)”

Eastern Cherokee Band - general information and as a corporation under North Carolina

law - use "TRIBE AND NATION (619)"

Free Labor Companies – see gadugi

gadugi-Free Labor Companies use "MUTUAL AID (476)" and "SODALITIES (575)”

Ghost Dance - use "POLITICAL MOVEMENTS (668)"

Green Corn Dance - use "DANCE (535)" and "TILLAGE (241)"

Harmony Ethic - use "ETHOS (181)" and "ETHICS (577)"

idi:gawe sdi-sacred formulas, written in the Cherokee syllabary - use "WRITING (212)", "SACRED OBJECTS AND PLACES (778)", and "MAGIC (789)"

Indian “doctor”, as a herbalist - use "MEDICAL PERSONNEL (759)"; as a magical practitioner (e.g., conjurer/sorcerer) - use "SHAMANS AND PSYCHOTHERAPISTS (756)" and "SORCERY (754)"

Indian Claims Commission - use "SPECIAL COURTS (698)"

Indian Reorganization Act (IRA) - use "ECONOMIC PLANNING AND DEVELOPMENT (179)"

Qualla Boundary – the main Cherokee reservation in North Carolina - use "PUBLIC WELFARE (657)"

Red vs. White Organizations – moiety-like organizations functioning among the aboriginal Cherokee. These were probably pseudo-moieties - use "MOIETIES (616)"

Rescue Squads - use "MISCELLANEOUS FACILITIES (368)" and "MEDICAL PERSONNEL (759)"

Seven Counselor’s Court - use "JUDICIAL AUTHORITY (692)"

The Red Court - use "SPECIAL COURTS (698)"

“Trail of Tears Singing - use "REST DAYS AND HOLIDAYS (527)" and "MUSIC (533)"

Tribal Council – first established in the early 1800s as the National Council of Cherokee - use "PARLIAMENT (646)". Prior to the early 1800s - use "COUNCILS (623)"

Tribal orator – a priest sometimes called the “beloved man” - use "PRIESTHOOD (793)"

uku – the principal chief of the Cherokee nation - use "CHIEF EXECUTIVE (643)"

ulanigvgv-infusion with supernatural power - use "SACRED OBJECTS AND PLACES (778)”

“Unto These Hills” pageant - use "SPECTACLES (541)"

“White Indians” – white-Cherokee racial hybrids - use "ETHNIC STRATIFICATION (563)" and "RACIAL IDENTIFICATION (144)"

Fitzgerald, D. G. and Conley, R.J. ( 2002) Cherokees. Portland: Graphic Arts Publishing.

Hill, S. H. (1997). Weaving New Worlds: Southeastern Cherokee Women and their Basketry. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.

Perdue, T. (1998). Cherokee Women: Gender and Cultural Change, 1700-1835. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

Perdue, T. (1989). The Cherokee. New York: Chelsea House.

Pritzker, B.A. (2000). A Native American Encyclopedia: History, Culture, and Peoples. New York: Oxford University Press.

Sattler, R. (1995). Women’s Status among the Muskogee and Cherokee. In Klein, L. R. and L. A. Ackerman (Eds.), Women and Power in Native North America (pp. 214-229). Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Stickland, R. (1982). Fire and the Spirit, Cherokee Law from Clan to Court. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press.

Thornton, R. (1990). The Cherokees A Population History. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press.

Waldman, C. (1999). Encyclopedia of Native American Tribes. New York: Checkmark.