Chinese Canadians

By John Beierle

None.

Originating from the southern provinces of China, the Chinese Canadians first came to Canada around the year 1858. Their first settlements were in British Columbia, gradually followed by dispersal to other Canadian provinces. Today the greatest concentrations of the Chinese population are in Ontario and British Columbia.

The 1981 Census of Canada reported roughly 290,000 Canadians of Chinese origin -- approximately one percent of the total population (1: Li, p. 1). In the 1986 census, the Chinese Canadians were listed as 360,320 or nearly one and a half percent of the population (Fellegi: 1990). In 1981 British Columbia still retained 34.5 percent of the Chinese population, while Ontario accounted for 40 percent; the two provinces accounting for approximately three-quarters of the entire population of Chinese in Canada. Of the remainder, 12.8 percent were found in Alberta; 6.3 percent in Quebec, with the remaining 6.3 percent sparsely distributed in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, the Maritimes, Yukon, and the Northwest Territories (1: Li, p. 99). Like other immigrant groups to Canada, the Chinese have tended to settle in metropolitan areas, such as Toronto and Vancouver, in which 60 percent of the entire Chinese population in Canada is concentrated. Other cities with sizeable Chinese populations are Calgary, Edmonton, and Montreal.

The primary language spoken by the Canadian Chinese is Cantonese, with some scattered remnants of the Toisanese dialect of southern China still being spoken by elderly members of the traditional Chinese community. This dialect, however, is rapidly disappearing. The educated younger generation (e.g., university students, and civil servants), are also literate in English.

Chinese immigration to Canada began around 1858 with the discovery of gold in the Fraser valley in British Columbia. In response to this gold rush many Chinese migrated from the west coast of the United States where they had been engaged in placer mining. Subsequent groups, however, came directly from China. This was especially true between the years 1881-1885, when they were employed in large numbers as contract laborers on the Canadian Pacific Railway (1882-1885). This influx of Chinese migrants caused great concern and anxiety for governmental authorities as well as politicians, union leaders, Caucasian workers and employers who feared the effects on the economy and labor market. As the result various anti-Chinese bills were enacted to deal with the Chinese problem. This legislation not only denied the Chinese political rights (e.g., the right to vote), but also prevented them from owning property and land, and refused them entry into certain professional occupations (5: Hoe, p.357). Between 1884-1923, a number of Royal Commissions were appointed by the Canadian government to study the problems associated with Chinese immigration. Their findings inevitably resulted in further restrictive legislation and the imposition of an ever increasing headtax on the immigrants. In 1900, this tax amounted to $100, and by 1903 had risen to $500. Although this tax did not reduce the number of Chinese entering Canada, it did slow down the rate of increase.

In spite of these obstacles, in every census year prior to 1931 the Chinese population showed an increase in size. The decline after 1931 probably was due in large part to the long range effects of the Chinese Immigration Act of 1923 that totally excluded all Chinese from entering Canada (1: Li, p. 85). This act, in conjunction with the fact that many of the older immigrants had retired from active work and retired to China, were primary factors in the reduction of the population. The Chinese Immigration Act along with other discriminatory measures, had a profound effect on Chinese social life, family patterns, economic activities, and community structure in Canada. It was not until the post World War II period that the Chinese population began to show signs of increase once again. In 1967 further changes in the immigration laws allowed Chinese to be admitted under the same criteria as other immigrant populations. Compared to the discriminatory restrictions imposed against the Chinese before the war, their situation in the post-war era was greatly improved. Many of the discriminatory laws enacted against the Chinese were rescinded and their civil rights were gradually restored. In 1947 The Canadian Parliament repealed the Chinese Immigration Act -- a barrier that had lasted for twenty-four years. In this same year the Chinese were allowed to vote in British Columbia; in 1951 in Saskatchewan.

By the late 1950s nearly all of the discriminatory clauses against the Chinese had been removed form provincial and federal statutes (1: Li, pp. 85-86). The liberalization of the immigration regulations brought about a sudden increase in the Chinese population. In the ten year period between 1961-1971, there was more than a 100 percent increase in the Chinese population in Canada, from 58,197 to 118,815 (5: Hoe, p. 362). The removal of voting restrictions and franchise disabilities allowed the Chinese greater accessibility to more goods and services, bringing about an unprecedented level of socio-economic mobility. With increasing dependence on the social institutions of the host society to meet their needs, reliance on the traditional Chinese community in meeting these needs gradually diminished. Today the Canadian government's official espousal of the policies of ethnic pluralism and multiculturalism has brought about participation of the Chinese in the national socio-cultural life.

In the nineteenth century, San Francisco, Victoria, and Vancouver were the major Pacific ports of entry to North America from China. As the Chinese immigrants arrived in these port cities, they tended to confine themselves to one or two streets "...which the Chinese people called TANGREN JIE (Chinese street), and the Caucasian public called 'Chinamen's quarters', 'Chinese community', or 'Chinatown'"(2: Lai, p. 3). In the gold mining settlements these Chinese living quarters were also called "Chinatowns". The term "Chinatown" was so commonly used over the years that it has become a standard term, and has been used throughout the literature to refer to the Chinese quarter of an urban area composed generally of Chinese owned residential, business, and in some cases, industrial structures. As the Chinese population increased and economic activities became more diversified, these port city Chinatowns began to expand, often occupying several city blocks and functioning as self-contained towns in themselves. Chinese settlements or quarters were also established in other major metropolitan areas in Canada as the Chinese population expanded beyond the confines of the port cities. Today, as an integral part of many of the major urban areas of Canada, Chinatowns still function as an important part of Chinese social life, especially for the older generation of Chinese immigrants who strive to maintain their traditional cultural values. The younger educated generation of Chinese who are being integrated rapidly into Canadian society, find the need for dependence on the social and cultural values of Chinatown far less compelling than those of their elders.

A cheap source of labor was the primary commodity provided by the early Chinese immigrants to Canada, but racism and discrimination placed the Chinese at a distinct disadvantage in the labor market and jeopardized their ability to earn a living. In those sectors in which they were employed along with Caucasian workers, they had to settle for lower wages. As anti-orientalism intensified, the Chinese found themselves excluded by law from a number of industries that their labor had originally helped to build. As racial hostility and legal barriers made it increasingly more difficult to compete in the labor market with Caucasians, the Chinese began to retreat into the ethnic business sector, primarily in the service industries (e.g., laundries, restaurants), where they avoided competition with Caucasian employers and workers. The emergence of these small businesses may be viewed as a survival adaptation or method of developing alternative economic opportunities in a hostile labor market (1: Li, pp. 48-49). Although the initial investment to start a small business was relatively small, many Chinese still could not afford the money and had to rely on partnerships to finance the operation. These partners would then work as a team in running the business and cutting down on the cost of hiring other workers. This was especially true in the restaurant business.

After World War II, when immigration policies were relaxed, many Chinese brought their families from China to Canada. These family members provided additional labor in individual business enterprises, often resulting in the breaking up of many partnerships, as the demographic pattern of the Chinese community changed. In recent years, the younger generation, with better education and access to employment opportunities, is less willing to perpetuate their forefathers' occupations. Many of them seek employment in various areas of socio-economic life in Canada from which their parents and grandparents had been banned (5: Hoe, pp. 360-361).

The two basic units of kinship organization among the Chinese Canadians are the clan, based on surname commonality, and the lineage. The clan forms an important part of the voluntary organization known as the "clan association", which will be discussed to greater extent further on in this summary.

Under Western influence the traditional Chinese marriage ritual has undergone radical change. The modern generation today, more attuned to culture change, believe in courtship and romantic love as a prerequisite to marriage. Consultation with parents prior to marriage is still maintained, but arranged marriages through a match-maker is nearly non-existent today. The exchange of rings and the giving of gifts to the bride's family is still carried on, although the payment of bride price is no longer part of the marriage ritual. Marriage between persons of the same surname are avoided, and cross-cousin marriages (between the mother's brother's daughter and the father's sister's son), though not strictly forbidden, are not prevalent in the society (5: Hoe, pp. 341-342).

Single male immigrants who come to Canada often return to Hong Kong to look for a wife. Once introduced to a potential spouse, lines of communication between the couple are kept open through an exchange of letters and photographs. If the prospects for a successful marriage looks encouraging, arrangements are made to bring the future bride over for the marriage ceremony. The wedding ceremony itself is generally performed in the Canadian style, although sometimes it may contain some elements of the traditional Chinese ritual.

Weddings today are performed in the church, with the reception following being held at home, where the new bride is expected to serve tea to the parents and relatives. Gifts and money wrapped in red paper are given to the couple by their friends and relatives. "A wedding dinner is normally held in a Chinatown restaurant, with speeches being made by the elderly. The bride and groom go around the table and express gratitude to those attending. A toast for prosperity, wealth and good marriage is usually proposed to the newlyweds" (5: Hoe, p. 342).

Once the Chinese immigrants had established themselves in their urban environments, they evolved a unique social structure that united all the Chinese in a particular locality, protected them from the outside world, and regulated the internal affairs of the Chinese community. This social system involved the establishment of a number of organizations or associations that acted not only as a protective barrier against Caucasian society, but also served to reinforce ethnic solidarity and mutual dependence among the Chinese, and helped to maintain their cultural traditions in the face of outside pressure to assimilate into Canadian society. This social system, often referred to as a "segmentary system", was based on principles of social organization common to the area of south China from which the majority of Chinese immigrants came. Basically, the principle of patrilineal descent -- lineage or clan membership -- combined with locality of origin (one's home village or county in China), were the defining factors determining an immigrant's place in traditional Chinatown. " Each Chinatown was organized into three major types of associations: the clan or surname associations where membership was based on the same surname (Lee, Wong, etc.); district associations, which united immigrants from the same community or county in China; and an umbrella-like community organization controlled by the merchant leaders of the clan and district associations known in most cities as the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA)" (3: Thompson, p. 9). An additional type of organization was also found in the Chinese community, variously called "secret societies", "merchant associations", or "tongs". These associations provided an alternative to individuals who were not accepted into the other associations. Often tong leaders achieved considerable power in the community through their illegal enterprises (e.g., gambling, prostitution, smuggling). Other secret societies were genuine mutual aid and protection organizations.

Throughout the United States and Canada, clan and district associations as well as the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association (CCBA), were hierarchically arranged in a pyramidal form, with the clan or surname associations forming the base. In very large Chinatowns, these clan associations were further divided into FONGS, whose members were based not only on a similar surname, but also on the fact that they came from the same village of origin in China. The next ascending level of the pyramid consisted of district or county-level associations whose membership was based on residence in the same county or district in China. These district associations might encompass several village and surname groups, although in smaller municipal Chinatowns they would often operate independently of or as the same level as the clan associations. At the apex of the pyramid stands the all- embracing community organization, composed of the leaders of the lower-level district and clan associations. Although the name varies with locality, in North America, this organization is often called the Chinese Consolidated Benevolent Association. Variations of the name of this organization is the United Calgary Chinese Association (in Calgary), and the Chinese Community Centre (in Toronto). "The three primary functions of the CCBA were to mediate disputes between the lower levels, regulate internal commerce through the establishment of charters and business locations, and to serve as advocate and spokesperson for the Chinese in their relations with the local and national authorities (3: Thompson, p. 12).

Effective leadership in early Chinatowns was traditionally in the hands of wealthy Chinese merchants who also served as clan or district association heads. The leadership of a clan association was a direct route to power and prestige in the community.

The Chinese segmentary system provides an effective means of social control within Chinatown and an effective mediating structure between the Chinese and non-Chinese world. In theory, membership in clan or district associations is ascriptive and, hence, mandatory, but in reality one's status in these organizations is dependent on monetary donations and time spent on association projects. If one wishes to find employment or open a business in the ethnic community, that person has to belong to an influential clan or district association, that tends to favor its own membership in business matters. Poor relations with one's association, therefore, is tantamount to exclusion from the ethnic economy.

In contemporary Chinese-Canadian society organized religion is not a prominent factor in social organization. For those who are involved in religion, there are a number of Chinese-Christian churches that provide religious services. These are represented by the various Protestant denominations as well as the Anglican, Catholic, Presbyterian, Methodist, Lutheran, Baptist, Gospel, and United Churchs. These churches, referred to as modernist institutions by Thompson, "... serve as mediating, acculturative institutions which attempt to syncretize the Oriental and Western traditions" (3: Thompson, p. 216).

The customary Chinese festival are not extensively celebrated in Chinese-Canadian homes today, nor do recently arrived immigrants observe the occasions seriously. Even the celebration of the Chinese New Year has become more of a fashion than an opportunity for family reunion and togetherness. Ancestor worship associated with the Ching Ming festival, although still carried out by the elderly, has also lost its importance as an expression of kinship solidarity. In general, the celebration of most Chinese festivals is on the decline (5: Hoe, p. 337). Some of the customary festivals observed by Chinese Canadian families are: the Chinese New Year, the Ching Ming Festival, the Dragon-Boat Festival, and the Moon Festival.

Although the worship of ancestors is no longer an important element in Chinese family life, there are many homes in which one can find family altars or shrines to commemorate the spirits of past ancestors. Some of the elderly Chinese may observe ancestor worship on a very superficial level, simply praying to the sky and burning a few incense sticks. The elders say that this simplified version of the more elaborate and ritualistic practice of ancestor worship was observed in this way because this was not their "home village". In contrast to their elders, the Canadian-born Chinese consider ancestor worship as an impractical, superstitious form of religious practice.

In contemporary (twentieth century) Chinese society funerals are conducted in accordance with Western tradition. In compliance with government regulations, some elderly Chinese, although they may not be Christians, have Chinese ministers arrange the funeral service (usually held in funeral homes), and prepare the death certificates. Lacking Buddhist or Taoist priests, the Chinese church minister may be considered a role substitute for these purposes. Soul tablets are absent from the rites, and there are no post-funeral ceremonies. In certain cases, the modern Chinese funeral is conducted with both a mixture of Chinese traditionalism and Western symbolism.

The selection of a grave-site by means of geomancy (i.e., through the divination of the appropriate location of the grave using the principles dictated by the confluence of mountains, waterways, and the direction of the winds), is seldom practiced by Chinese Canadians today. Geomancy is also less practical because of the shortage of space in the Chinese cemetery and government regulations regarding grave plots. In recent years (of the late twentieth century) the more educated Chinese and the Canadian-born Chinese tend to bury their dead in Caucasian cemeteries. The elderly, on the other hand, prefer the Chinese cemetery where they may practice certain funerary rituals, and where most of their friends are buried (5: Hoe, pp. 342-345).

The Chinese Canadian collection contains six documents, with emphasis on some of the major Chinatowns located in several Canadian cities (e.g., Vancouver, Toronto, Victoria, Calgary). Much of the collection deals with the migration of the Chinese to Canada and the restrictive immigration policies applied to them by the Canadian government. An additional theme that appears in nearly all the documents in this collection is that of the discriminatory and racist practices imposed on the Chinese immigrants by the Caucasian Canadian society.

Probably the best general coverage on the Chinese in Canada is presented in 1: Li, which deals with the period from their first arrival in Canada in 1858 to about 1985. This document places particular emphasis on the development of institutional racism against the Chinese by the host society. This work also provides information on the history of the Chinese immigration to Canada, the impact of racism on the Chinese community, and the occupational achievements of the Chinese Canadians during the period of industrial expansion (1960s to the mid 1980s). 2: Lai is a definitive history of Chinatowns in Canada from 1858-ca.1985, with particular reference to Victoria, British Columbia. Lai classifies Chinatowns into four groups -- old, new, replaced, and reconstructed historical (with Victoria being representative of the historical type). He then employs a "stage development" model consisting of four phases -- budding, blooming, withering, and dying (or revival) -- to study the progression of Chinatown development not only in Victoria alone but throughout North America.

Works describing specific Chinatowns in specific cities begins with 3: Thompson, which is an examination of the history and social organization of the Chinese population in Toronto, Canada. This study provides a descriptive analysis and interpretation of one ethnic minority, the Chinese immigrants, and their relations with the Canadian state. This document is essentially an in-depth community study, dealing with the history of Toronto's Chinatown through three major phases, the traditional (1880-1947), transitional (1947-1967), and contemporary (1967-1977) periods. There is also much information here on the Chinese associations, class structure and class conflict, enterprises and occupations, and the status of the Chinese student in Canadian society. 4: Anderson is a systematic analysis of the relationship between Vancouver's Chinese and Canadian communities from the late 1880s to about 1980. This material covers six major chronological periods: 1875-1903, 1886-1920, 1920-1935, 1935-1949, 1950-1969, and 1970-1980. Much of the material here focuses on immigration policies, racial discrimination, the development of the racial category "Chinese" by the Canadian government, the concept of Chinatown as viewed through the Canadian imagination, and programs of urban renewal and revitalization. 5: Hoe is a socio-historical study of the structural changes taking place in various Chinese communities in British Columbia and Alberta (Calgary & Edmonton), from the mid-nineteenth century to ca. 1972. The author's data on Chinese settlements in British Columbia cover four major chronological periods: 1858-1880, 1880-1885, 1885-1923, and 1924-1947; and Alberta into the four periods of: 1886-1900, 1901-1923, 1923-1947, and 1947-ca.1972. The data presented in this study relate to the internal transformation of the Chinese communities as the result of different perceptions of the quality of life between the older and younger generations, the dynamic interplay between the Chinese social organization and the wider society, the structure of the Chinese associations, family structure, economic activities, assimilation processes, and community life. 6: HRAF consists in its entirety of a bibliography on the Chinese in Canada.

The culture summary and synopsis were prepared by John Beierle in February 1994.

INDEXING NOTES

Fellegi, Ivan P. Canada Handbook. IN Countries of the World on CD Rom. Parsippny, New Jersey, Bureau Development, Inc., 1990.