Tlingit

By Kenneth Tollefson and John Beierle

Thlinget, Thlinkets, Tlinkit, Lleeengit.

The Tlingit are an American Indian group located in southern Alaska. Tlingit means "in the people." The Tlingit continue to occupy many of their aboriginal village sites along the Southeastern Coast of Alaska, from Ketchikan to Yakutat -- from 54 degrees 40 minutes to about 60 degrees north latitude -- and from the coast to Lake Atlin or as the Tlingit say the "second mountain range." This area includes many offshore islands, numerous streams emptying into inlets, and rugged mountains jutting up from the edge of the sea and whose snow capped serrated peaks cover most of the area.

Conservative population estimates place the precontact population at ten thousand. The present Tlingit population numbers about twenty-five thousand.

The Tlingit language is classified in the Na-Dene phylum. Among the coastal Tlingit, northern, central and southern dialects are still spoken by the elders.

Archaeological data suggest that a Tlingit or proto-Tlingit population inhabited the coast of southeastern Alaska by seven thousand B.C. Oral history traces several migration routes of Tlingit clans down various rivers which flowed from the interior to the sea, and linguistic data reveal a close affinity with interior groups. While the neighboring Haida and Tsimshian tribes were pushing some southern Tlingit northward, the northern Tlingit were expanding in Eyak and Eskimo territory. British, French, and Russian interests vied for control of Alaska with the United States acquiring final control over the rich Alaskan resources in 1867. Gunboat diplomacy instituted by the United States undermined local Tlingit autonomy and opened up the territory to outside settlers and gold prospectors. Alaskan Natives fought back by organizing the Alaskan Native Brotherhood in 1912 to fight for their civil rights and subsistence resources. In 1929 the Tlingit began a struggle to regain control of their natural resources resulting in the Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act of 1971 transferring some 100 million acres back to Alaskan Natives.

Early Tlingit settlers selected village sites near heavily resourced areas along protected sections of coastline ideal for beaching canoes, digging clams, acquiring drinking water, and for catching migrating salmon. An expanding Tlingit population, increasing competition for local resources and intensifying patterns of warfare contributed to the progressive development of four types of villages: the local household village, the localized clan village, the local moiety village, and the consolidated clan village. In early times, people lived in one large community longhouse which served as shelter, storage place, and fort. Population increases and mounting tension contributed to the breakup of the large household into several smaller related lineage households sharing a common fort. Later, in a third settlement stage, two intermarrying clans from the two moieties moved together to reduce distances, to share resources, and to increase village security. Depopulation and depletion of subsistence resources following European contact contributed to the rise of a fourth settlement pattern, the consolidated clan village, composed of two or more clans from both moieties.

The Tlingit hunted deer, bear, seals, and goats; fished for salmon, halibut, and herring; and gathered roots, berries, and shellfish. Runs of salmon choked the local streams each year as five species of salmon migrated to their annual spawning grounds. Fishnets and gaffing hooks were used to haul in large quantities of salmon for smoking and drying for winter consumption.

The rapid depletion of the population by foreign diseases and increased reliance upon proceeds from fur trapping reduced subsistence resources while increasing dependence upon foreign trade goods. Today, the Tlingit value education, resulting in many members working in business, industry, government, and the professions.

Carving, basketmaking, Chilkat blanket weaving, beading and metalworking were sources of income. Gold and silver coins, shaped into bracelets, pendants, and rings, were embellished with clan symbols. The active arts and crafts trade that began with the arrival of the early steamship tourists has grown in volume over the years, and several Tlingit villages now have dancing groups which perform for local ceremonies and for tourists.

An active aboriginal trade network flourished between the interior Athapaskans and the Tlingit, between coastal and island Tlingit, and with the neighboring Eyak, Haida, Tsimshian, and Kwakiutl. Native trade goods such as coppers, shells, slaves, canoes, carvings, oulachan oil, and furs were later replaced by European trade goods, including guns, ammunition, knives, axes, blankets, and food.

Prior to the decline of the traditional culture around 1880, Tlingit men hunted, fished, and carved and women cleaned fish, gathered food, tanned hides, and wove baskets and blankets. Today, men drive diesel-powered boats equipped with hydraulic hoists and large nets while women work in modern canneries and make button blankets or beaded moccasins from commercial materials.

The localized clan was the basic holder of rights to fishing streams, tide lands, and hunting grounds in traditional Tlingit villages. Today, clans own ceremonial and symbolic ritual items. The 1971 Alaska Native Claims Settlement Act organized the Alaska Tlingit into one large regional Corporation, called Sealaska. Sealaska received title to 330,000 acres of land, 660,000 acres of mineral rights; it has total assets of 216 million dollars as of March, 1988. Sealaska governs nine village corporations each of which received title to 20,040 acres of aboriginal land and hundreds of thousands of dollars in cash payments depending upon the number of tribal members.

Tlingit society is divided into two large exogamous moieties -- Raven-Crow and Eagle-Wolf (Crow for Inland Tlingit and Wolf for Southern Tlingit). Each moiety contains some 20 autonomous matriclans. Aboriginally, each exogamous localized matriclan had its own village and formed marriage alliances with other communities. Matriclans that intermarried with considerable frequency within a given region formed a KWAAN, or district, of which there were fourteen. Following depopulation and the depletion of resources, scattered clans within KWAANS moved together to form consolidated clan villages like Angoon, Hoonah, and Yakutat. Local matriclans were corporate groups holding title to property, to real estate, and to ceremonial objects. A matriclan consisted of one or more community longhouses in which descent was traced matrilineally. Lineage, clan, and moiety affiliations are still important for marriage and ceremonial purposes.

Crow-type kinship terminology, once a characteristic of Tlingit society, is little used by younger members today.

The preferential marriage pattern was patrilateral cross-cousin marriage -- to father's sister's daughter; the second choice was to a member of the paternal grandfather's or great grandfather's clan; and a third choice was a member of any clan in the opposite moiety. Marriage within one's clan and moiety were strictly forbidden under penalty of death or ostracism. Arranged marriages have rapidly decreased during this century, although patrilateral marriages are still encouraged. Monogamy was the general rule among the lower classes and polygamy was practiced by a few high-status men and women. Divorce was rare as it was seen as an offense against the clans of both spouses. Marriage prohibitions within the clan and moiety are still generally subscribed to in principle though broken frequently in practice.

Until the turn of the century, the lineage community longhouse served as the residential unit. Recent government housing projects have largely eliminated the need for community households. Presently, lineage and clan households have more symbolic than economic significance serving as the repository for the ceremonial objects and as a symbol of clan identity.

Formerly, property was passed on within the matriclan with much of the wealth going from uncle to nephew. Presently, material possessions are inherited in typical American fashion although ceremonial goods are still expected to be passed on in conformity with traditional rules.

Many elders played an active role in the education of Tlingit youth. Aunts extolled the virtues of respectable clan leaders while maternal uncles rigorously and rigidly guided their nephew through adolescence teaching them basic hunting, fishing, carving, and fighting skills. Grandmothers or maternal aunts spend considerable time with pubescent girls teaching them clan history, and domestic skills such as food preparation, basket weaving, child bearing, and basic hygiene. Elders still maintain a strong influence even among the large number of members who have attended college.

The Tlingit were stratified into three social classes: (1) high class ANYADDI, (2) commoners, or KANACKIDEH, and (3) low-class NITCKAKAKU. Individuals and groups were also ranked within the clan and between clans depending upon their wealth, titles, and achievements. High class people managed and controlled strategic resources and used them to promote individual and groups status. Class and rank remain important in Tlingit villages.

Each aboriginal settlement was owned by a localized clan whose claims were documented through stories and symbols, with other clans residing in their village viewed as guests. Leadership and councils at the household, clan, and local moiety levels were traditional political units and remain influential. Today, three ethnic associations address Tlingit concerns. The Alaska Native Brotherhood serves as cultural broker and cultural advocate; the Tlingit-Haida Organization with some 14,500 members of Tlingit descent promotes housing and social welfare; and Sealaska, the largest corporation in Alaska, provides growing economic and political clout.

Shame and rank were powerful motivators for enforcing traditional social norms. Individuals were said to define their status by the way they conducted themselves, with all ill-mannered persons bringing shame upon their lineage and clan. Thus, elders held a tight rein on youths. Fear of accusation of witchcraft or ridicule also influenced behavior. Several Tlingit villages now have their own mayor, city council, police force, and school boards along with other administrative services.

Aboriginally, conflicts arose over assaults, insults, or damages suffered by individuals and groups to themselves or their property. Such conflicts were generally resolved through payment of wealth or, in some cases, killing the offender. Conflicts with Whites, over the past century, centered around aboriginal resources, civil rights, and civil liberties. The persistence of these conflicts contributes to alcohol abuse and other drug abuse.

Early records suggest that the Tlingit believed in a Creator, Kah-shu-goon-yah, whose name was sacred and never mentioned above a whisper. This primordial grandfather or "divisible-rich-man" controlled the sun, moon, stars, and daylight in addition to creating all living things. Little more is known of him. The sacred past centers upon Raven (cultural hero, benefactor, trickster, and rascal) who was credited with organizing the world in its present form and in initiating many Tlingit customs. Raven was never represented, symbolized, or made equal with the Supreme Being who transcended Tlingit legends. The Tlingit inhabited a world filled with spirits, or JEK. These spirits could manifest their power through individuals, animals, or things. Since every material object or physical forces could be inhabited by a spirit, Tlingit were taught to respect everything in the universe. The penalty for disrespect was the loss of ability to obtain food. Properly purified persons could acquire spirit power for curing illnesses, for protection in warfare, for success in obtaining wealth, and for ceremonial prerogatives. Each Tlingit had a mortal and an immortal spirit.

Two options open to youths were to seek good power and help the community or to seek evil power and threaten the community. Every Tlingit had a personal guardian spirit, TU-KINA-JEK. Spirit doctors, ICHET, received more powerful spirits and therefore could treat the sick with herbs, discern the presence of evil, predict the future, and protect the community from evil forces. Witches NUKW-SATI, sought evil power and used it to harm others.

Dancing societies never gained a major foothold in Tlingit society as they did in neighboring Northwest Coast tribes. The Tlingit sought their power primarily through their clan spirit doctor who they trusted to help and not to harm them. Politicoreligious ceremonies called potlatches, or KOOLEX, marked significant events in the life of the clan and its members. Sacred songs, dances, symbols, and stories accompanied all changes in social stature, political leadership, and ceremonial objects within the clan.

Carving of house posts, heraldic screens, chiefs' hats, chiefs' staffs, and weaving of Chilkat blankets were highly acclaimed. Woodcarvers, metalworkers, and blanket weavers continue to use their traditional clan symbols (KOTEA) to indicate ownership and identity.

Every family possessed a basic knowledge of herbs and principles of hygiene and for the most part were medically self-sufficient. Occasionally, a spirit doctor, who possessed superior knowledge of herbal medicines and special spirit power, was called in for difficult cases after household remedies failed. Contemporary Tlingit do not hesitate to consult modern medical facilities when the need arises.

Spirits of the dead traveled to the appropriate level of heaven commensurate with their moral conduct in this life. Morally respectable people went to the highest Heaven, KIWA-A, a realm of happiness; moral delinquents went to a second level or to Dog Heaven, KETL-KIWA, a place of torment. Individuals remained in the afterworld for a period of time and then returned to this world as a reincarnation of some deceased maternal relative.

Documents referred to in this section are included in this eHRAF collection and are referenced by author, date of publication, and eHRAF document number.

The Tlingit file consists of twenty-eight English language documents covering a total time span from the 1700s to the early 1980s. Most of the works, however, focus on the time period from about 1880 to 1920. The area most intensively studied is that of the Chilkat region, with the Angoon and Yakutat areas providing much additional information. There are six basic ethnographies in this file which give an excellent overview of traditional Tlingit ethnography: Krauss (1956, no. 1), Swanton (1904-05, no. 10), DeLaguna (1960, no. 17), Oberg (n.d., no. 18), Olson (1967, no. 19), and Emmons (1991, no. 31). In addition to the above, other works provide data on potlatching (a major theme), cultural history, socio-cultural change, clans, crime and punishment, kinship terminology and relationships, puberty ceremonies, and archaeology. In 1996, six new monographs were added to the file Emmons (1991, no. 31), Kan (1989, no. 32), Tollefson (1977, no. 35; 1978, no.34; 1982, no. 36; 1995, no. 33), providing data on mortuary customs, conflict management (in the study of clan roles in the potlatch), formation of the Alaska Native Brotherhood (ANB), and social change in potlatching and in village settlement patterns. For more detailed information on the content of the individual works in this file, see the abstracts in the citations preceding each document.

This culture summary is from the article, "Tlingit," by Kenneth Tollefson in the Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 1. 1991. Timothy O'Leary and David Levinson, eds. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co. The synopsis and indexing notes were prepared by John Beierle, August 1996.

• AANKAAWOO -- town chief; highest ranking clan chief in the village -- categories 622, 614

• Alaska Native Brotherhood (ANB) and Sisterhood (ANS) -- categories 668, 575

• Back packs -- category 482

• Children's potlatch -- festival for children -- categories 431, 858

• Compensation for offenses -- category 681

• Concept of forfeiting something of equal value to those who have been wronged or who have lost something -- category 671

• Conflicts or disagreements involving hunting rights -- category 423

• Crests -- category 532

• Destruction of property in retaliation for an alleged offense -- category 556

• DONNAK -- body medicine -- categories 789 or 755

• GOWAKAN -- specially selected representatives (usually brothers- in-law) who served as peacemakers and go-betweens in interclan affairs -- category 607

• "Head start" program of the government -- category 658

• HITSATI -- see house chief

• Housebuilding potlatch -- categories 342, 431

• House "chief" -- head of the house group -- categories 592 (sometimes with 554)

• House group -- usually affiliated with clans -- categories 592, 614

• KUWAKON -- "deer"; peace hostages -- category 728

• KWAN -- the largest geographical division, with little political or economic reality -- category 631

• Local clan villages -- categories 614, 621

• Moiety villages -- categories 616, 621

• NA-KA-NEE -- clan brothers-in-law who act as assistants at the potlatch -- categories 602 or 607

• Payment of blankets or other property for the shaman's curing -- category 437

• Potlatch -- a major ceremony of the Tlingit -- categories 431, 796, 556

• Relations with Hudson Bay Company or other Russian, American, British, or French companies -- category 648

• Russian Orthodox Church -- organization and activities of, but not directly relevant to Tlingit acculturation and missionization -- category 795

• Snow shoes -- category 481

• Stencils -- category 413

• Stone cairns -- category 324

• TA-SATE -- amulet worn around the neck and used for scratching when using fingernails is taboo -- category 789

• Totem poles -- categories 532, 614 (and/or 211 according to emphasis)

• Totems -- categories 771, 779, 614

• Town chief -- see AANKAAWOO

• Village household -- community house; dwelling that housed the residents of an entire village (40-50 people, sometimes 100+ people) -- categories 342, 621

• YEK (YEHK or YAGE) -- guardian spirit -- category 776

Krause, Aurel. 1970. The Tlingit Indians. Translated by Erna Gunther. Seattle: University of Washington Press. Originally published, 1885.

Laguna, Frederica de. 1972. Under Mount Saint Elias: The History and Culture of the Yakutat Tlingit. Washington D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press.

Oberg, Kalervo. 1973 [1937]. The Social Economy of the Tlingit Indians. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Tollefson, Kenneth. 1976. "The Cultural Foundations of Political Revitalization among the Tlingit." Ph.D. diss., University of Washington.