Wolof

By Robert O. Lagacé and Ian Skoggard

Chelofes, Galofes, Guiolof, Gyloffes, Ialofes, Iolof, Jalof, Jolof, Olof, Ouoloff, Valaf, Volof, Wollufs, Yaloffs, Yolof.

The Wolof constitute a large ethnic group inhabiting the West African country of Senegal, a former French colony, and Gambia, a former British colony. "Wolof" is the name by which the people refer to themselves, and it is also the name of their indigenous language.

The majority of the Wolof are concentrated in northwestern Senegambia, between the Senegal and Gambia rivers (16 degrees and 10 minutes to 13 degrees and 30 minutes north latitude); the Atlantic Ocean lies to the west, and Wolof territory extends inland to about 14 degrees 30 minutes west longitude. This entire area has a tropical climate and a fairly flat landscape. Whereas the northern section has a predominantly semidesert environment called the Sahel, to the south, a grassy savanna gradually emerges with increasing numbers of shrubs and trees. This shift in vegetation coincides with an increase in the average annual rainfall, which ranges from 38 centimeters or less in the north to around 100 centimeters in the south. The rainy season lasts from June into October, and the rest of the year is distinctly dry. Because there is very little or no surface water through most of the area, villages generally depend on wells for all of their water needs except agriculture.

The Wolof are the dominant ethnic group in Senegal, both politically and numerically. Rapid population increase since the early 1960s, in combination with the Wolofization of members of other ethnic groups, resulted in a 1996 census estimate of about 3,385,000 Senegalese Wolof, or 36 percent of Senegal's total population.

The Wolof language has been classified within the Northern Branch of the West Atlantic Subfamily of the Niger-Congo Language Family. The most closely related languages are Serer and Fula. The Lébu, a separate ethnic group, speak a distinct Wolof dialect. Although French remains the official language of Senegal, Wolof has become the de facto national vernacular.

The first substantial documentary information on the Wolof dates from the travels of Ca da Mosto from 1455 to 1457. According to oral traditions, however, it was probably during the preceding century that the Wolof were unified into a loose political federation known as the Dyolof Empire, centered in northwestern Senegal. Around the middle of the sixteenth century, this empire fragmented into its component parts, giving rise to the four major Wolof kingdoms of Baol, Kayor, Dyolof proper, and Walo. The subsequent history of these kingdoms is rife with political intrigue, rebellions, exploitation, and warfare, both against one another and against the Moors. European contacts did not become of major significance, except for the slave trade, until the nineteenth century. Gradually, a few commercial centers were established along the coast, the principal ones being the key slave ports of Saint Louis and Gorée. Peanut growing was introduced into Senegal around 1840, and peanuts soon became the main export. I n the 1850s, primarily to protect their economic interests, the French launched their first serious attempts to conquer the Wolof kingdoms. The Wolof put up a bitter resistance, but, by the end of the century, they were completely subjugated; French colonial rule lasted until the independence of Senegal in 1960. During this same period, the Wolof, who had a long and ambivalent (often hostile) involvement with Islam, became rapidly and thoroughly Islamicized. The French stimulated the development of urban centers, which became the major sources of Westernization during the twentieth century.

The bulk of the Wolof, about 70 to 75 percent, are rural villagers; the remainder constitute an important element in many of the larger urban centers of Senegal and in the Gambian capital of Banjul. The average size of Wolof villages tends to be quite small, with a mean population range of about 50 to 150, but up to 1,000 or 2,000 people inhabit some political centers. Most Wolof villages have one of two types of settlement plan: a village consisting of two or three separate groups of residential compounds with no central focus, or a nucleated village with the residential compounds grouped around a central plaza, where a mosque is usually located. In either type of village, compounds generally consist of square huts (traditionally round, as is still true in Gambia) with walls made of millet stalks or BANCO (an adobe-like material), and conical, thatched roofs. In addition, there are several small cooking huts, storehouses, and animal shelters, all enclosed by a millet-stalk fence. More affluent villagers may have one or more modern, multi-room, rectangular houses constructed of cement blocks with tile or corrugated tin roofs. Many Wolof villages have an attached hamlet or encampment of Fulbé who "belong" to the village and herd their cattle.

The subsistence economy is based on agriculture, which in turn depends on rainfall. Wide annual variations in rainfall may result in poor harvests, causing widespread hunger and deprivation. The basic subsistence crop and staple food is millet (mainly PENNISETUM GAMBICUM) the main cash crop is peanuts (ARACHIS HYPOGAEA). The second major foodstuff is rice, but it is not grown by most villagers and must be purchased. Manioc (cassava) is often a cash crop. The main domestic animals that serve as sources of meat are chickens, goats, and sheep. Fish, another important source of protein, is usually purchased in dried or smoked form. In each village a few people own cattle, but these are considered more as a sort of wealth reserve than a food resource. Beef tends to be eaten only when cattle are killed for a ceremonial feast. There are agricultural cooperatives, centered in the larger villages, that help farmers obtain loans and agricultural machinery and coordinate the marketing of the peanut harvest to the govern ment.

In addition to agriculture, many villagers engage in a wide variety of specialized crafts, among them metalworking, leatherworking, weaving, the dyeing of cloth, tailoring, pottery and basketry making, hairdressing, house building, and thatching. There are two types of smiths: blacksmiths, who mostly make agricultural tools, and jewelers, who work in gold or silver. Much less weaving is done than formerly because bolts of manufactured cloth are available for purchase. Some village men are employed outside the villages in modern industries such as phosphate mining.

Regional and urban marketplaces are the principal centers for the sale and purchase of foodstuffs and other types of goods. Some bartering occurs, but most transactions make use of the national currency, the CFA franc.

Two major factors structure the division of labor: social status and sex. Certain occupations–smith, leatherworker, and praise singer and drummer–are the prerogatives of males in several hierarchically ranked, caste-like social groups; a separate status group formerly did the weaving, but now it is done by descendants of slaves. The making of mortars, pestles, and the like is done by a specialized Fula-speaking group that wanders from village to village. Other male occupations include clearing fields, harvesting, house building, thatching, fishing, herding, and butchering. Men also fulfill most religious and political roles. Female occupations include caring for children; managing the household; planting, weeding, and harvesting crops; gathering wild plants; drawing water; collecting firewood; engaging in petty trade; and practicing midwifery. Women of the caste-like groups also make pottery. Both sexes may make basketry.

Traditionally, agricultural land has been "owned" by patrilineages. Land is inherited patrilineally within a lineage and controlled by the head of the patrilineage, to whom the users pay a tithe or rent (WAREF). This system has been changing since Senegal passed its Domaine Nationale law in 1964. This law attempts to do away with the traditional form of land control, which the government viewed as exploitative, by transferring the ownership of all land to the state. The state then grants parcels to the farmers currently working them, thereby eliminating all types of land rents and tribute. The full implementation of this law could have a major effect on Wolof society.

The basic social units in a village are the residential groups, which usually occupy a single compound. These groups generally have at their core a patrilocal extended family but may also include unrelated members. Each such corporate group has as its head the senior male of the dominant family unit. Groups of contiguous residential groups usually consist of patrilineages. The larger and more important patrilineages may have segments in several villages. Traditionally, the patrilineages have been the pivotal kin groups at the political-legal level, especially with respect to the control of land and political offices. The senior male of a patrilineage becomes its official head, the LAMAN. The Wolof also recognize the MEEN, a matrilineal descent line. There is a good deal of controversy in the literature as to whether or not the meen truly constitutes a matrilineage, and thus whether or not the Wolof have a double descent system (cf. Diop 1985 and Irvine 1973 for opposing viewpoints–pro and con, respectiv ely–on this issue). In modern times the meen does not constitute a corporate group, nor does it have any politico-jural functions. The meen is important because it is believed to be the main source of one's moral character and because it includes those maternal relatives to whom one turns for help in times of trouble such as illness or economic problems.

The Wolof have bifurcate-merging kin terms in the first ascending (parental) generation (i.e., father's brother and mother's sister are called by the same terms as father and mother, respectively, whereas father's sister and mother's brother are called by separate terms). The cousin terminology does not fit any of the standard classifications. Parallel cousins are called by the same terms as one's siblings; cross cousins are differentiated both from parallel cousins and from one another, but they are not called by distinct terms. Rather, they are called "child of the father's sister" and "child of the mother's brother," respectively. There is a joking relationship between cross cousins: one's matrilateral cross cousins are called "master", and one's patrilateral cross cousins are called "slave."

Social status and kinship are the two factors most influential in regulating marriage. The caste-like groups form two pairs of endogamous units: the smiths and leatherworkers constitute one unit, the praise singers and former weavers the other. In addition, the higher-ranking "nobles" and the lower-ranking "slaves" each form endogamous groups. But a "noble" man may marry a "slave" woman under special circumstances. Bilateral cross-cousin marriage is the preferred form, with priority given to marriage between a man and his mother's brother's daughter. Parallel-cousin marriage was once forbidden, but this prohibition is no longer in force. According to Islamic law, a man may have up to four legal wives, and in fact about 45 percent of Wolof men have at least two wives. Sororate and levirate are still practiced. The basic marital residence pattern is patrilocal, although there are some cases of temporary avunculocal residence. Divorce is rather frequent.

The main residential group may or may not constitute an integrated household. It is often composed of more than one family unit. Family units that form a single cooking unit and eat together constitute a single domestic unit. Separate domestic units tend to be established within a residential group when there have been disputes between family units or when one of the family units is of a lower social rank and unrelated to the others.

Both inheritance of material goods and succession to important kinship and political roles are determined patrilineally. The Wolof divide these goods and roles into two categories, NOMBO and ALAL. The former term is associated with land, wives, and social positions such as the headship of a residential group, of a patrilineage, or of a village, each of which passes first to a man's brother, secondly to his father's brother's sister, and only when none of these are left do they pass to his son (all but the wives). The term "alal" applies to money, cattle, and houses, which are inherited directly by a man's sons. (Formerly, slaves were also "alal.") As for matrilineal inheritance, it is believed that if the mother is a witch, the children will be witches. If only the father is a witch, the children will be able to see into the witches' world but will not actually be witches.

Children are weaned at about 1.5 to 2 years of age, and are carried on the mother's back until that time. Boys live in their mother's hut until they are circumcised at about 8 to 12 years of age. Physical punishment of children is strongly disapproved of and rarely inflicted. Some children attend primary schools, which are available in the larger villages.

Wolof society is characterized by a relatively rigid, complex system of social stratification. This system consists of a series of hierarchically ranked social groups in which membership is ascribed by bilateral descent, except when one parent (usually the mother) is of a lower-ranking group, in which case the children are always ranked in the lower group. In the literature, these groups are usually called "castes" or, less frequently, "social classes." The application of these concepts to the Wolof data has created analytical problems rather than increasing understanding of the system; thus, the component groups will be referred to here as status groups. These status groups are organized into three major hierarchical levels. First, there is an upper level that in preconquest times was divided into several status groups including royalty and nobility; the socially prominent commoners (i.e., village and regional chiefs, large landowners, and religious leaders); peasants; and slaves of the Crown, who were ranke d equivalent with the prominent commoners, and from whom were drawn the king's warriors. In modern times, these groups have essentially merged into a single status group, the nobility. Second is the level of the occupationally defined status groups–smiths, leatherworkers, and griots (praise singers and musicians), together with the former weavers. The third level is composed of the descendants of slaves. The latter are differentiated into status groups that are named and ranked according to the status groups of their former masters (e.g., slave-praise singer). This stratification system is a crucial aspect of village social life and remains significant in the urban areas.

Wolof politics have been characterized by authoritarianism, manipulation, exploitation, intrigue, and factionalism. The four traditional kingdoms had basically similar political systems: a complex hierarchy of political officials and territorial commands headed by a ruler whose power depended to an important extent upon his slave warriors. These political structures were destroyed by the French conquest and replaced by the system of French colonial administration. The latter, in turn, was replaced by the current Senegalese national state. Political organization at the village level has retained many traditional features, but there is much local and regional variation. The top political officials in most villages are of noble status. The office of village chief, the BOROM DEKK, is hereditary within the patrilineage of the village founder, but the village notables (who include the patrilineage heads) also have a voice in his selection, and the official appointment must be made by a government official. The chie f is officially responsible for administering village affairs, collecting taxes, maintaining order in the village, and acting as an intermediary between villagers and higher-level officials. The chief is usually also a Muslim religious leader, a SERIÑ (marabout). To assist him, the chief may appoint a council selected from the most important village notables. The chief also appoints the YÉLIMAAN (imam) and the SALTIGÉ. The imam is the religious leader of the village and leads the prayers in the mosque. The saltigé, whose position is hereditary within a particular patrilineage, was traditionally the leader of the village warriors and of hunting parties. Nowadays he directs the public works in the village and acts as an intermediary between the young men of the village and the chief. The heads of the major patrilineages are politically very influential, especially the ones who are also chefs de quartier (i.e., heads of the sectors into which some villages are divided for particular a ctivities or situations). Finally, there are the heads of the residential compounds.

The system of social control is characterized by hierarchy, reciprocity, suppression of overt hostility, and the use of intermediaries to settle disputes. Gossip and ridicule, or fear of them, are effective means of social control because of the importance of maintaining one’s status and prestige. Formal controls are exercised by the courts and by political officials–especially the village chief and regional officials. People readily resort to the courts to settle important differences. Muslim tribunals are headed by a QADI, who judges cases on the basis of Malikite law or traditional customs (ADA), depending on the matter at issue; civil courts administer a legal system derived from French law.

In modern times, land, marital disputes, and political factionalism are the major sources of conflict in the villages. Physical violence rarely occurs except in the political arena.

Nearly all Wolof are Muslims; they are mainly organized into two Sufi orders or brotherhoods, the Tijaniyya and the Muridiyya. Men become members of an order upon circumcision, whereas women become members upon marriage, joining the same order as their husbands. The main tenets of Islam are generally adhered to, but the Wolof version of Islam clearly shows an emphasis on social relations rather than on abstract theology. Along with Islam, there is continuing adherence to many traditional (i.e., pre-Islamic) magico-religious beliefs and practices. This traditional system emphasizes belief in malevolent spirits (JINN) and witches and the need to protect oneself from them.

Among Muslims, the basic complementary religious roles are those of TAALIBÉ, a disciple, and marabout (seriñ), a religious leader. There is a hierarchy of marabouts ranging from those who have only an elementary knowledge of the Quran and little influence, up to the powerful heads of the orders. There is also the muqaddam, who has authority to induct new members into a order, and the imam (yélimaan). Within the traditional magico-religious system, there are a variety of ritual specialists, including the JABARKAT, who is a combination shaman and sorcerer; the LUGAKAT, who magically cures victims of snakebite; the ndëpukat, usually a female, who performs the ndëp ceremony to cure the mentally ill; and the botal mbar, who is in charge of newly circumcised boys.

The Wolof observe the major Muslim festivals, the most important for them being Korité, the feast at the end of Ramadan, and Tabaski, the feast of the sacrifice of sheep. The principal life-cycle ceremonies include the naming ceremony (NGGENTÉE), and the circumcision ceremony for boys. It is likely that circumcision was a pre-Islamic Wolof custom, given that the key ritual specialists and practices are non-Islamic.

There is a striking lack of emphasis on art. Most notably, the Wolof do not carve wooden sculptures or masks as many other West African peoples do. Dancing is performed mostly by women of the praise-singer group. Several musical instruments are played, especially drums and a type of guitar called XALAM. Wandering actors occasionally perform in the villages at night, singing and dancing satirical skits that become more and more lewd as the night deepens. Smiths make filigree jewelry.

The Wolof make use of most available medication and medical practitioners–modern, Muslim, or traditional. Nearly all Wolof wear numerous amulets that are believed to have the power to protect the wearer from illness, evil spirits, witchcraft, or other harm. The most common function of marabouts at the village level is to make these amulets, which consist of passages from the Quran written on slips of paper encased in leather packets. The shaman (jabarkat) may also be hired to make amulets, in which case the leather casings contain pieces of magical roots or leaves.

After the death of a person, the usual Muslim funeral ceremonies are followed. Burial is within a few hours unless the death occurs at night. Formerly, members of the praise-singer group were "buried" in hollow baobab trees, so as not to contaminate the earth. Suicide is rare, and it is believed that the soul of a suicide goes straight to hell.

Documents referred to in this section are included in the eHRAF collection and are referenced by author, date of publication, and eHRAF document number.

The Wolof file contains 42 documents, 22 in English, 20 English translations from the French, and two sources in French. The major ethnographies in the file are Gamble's general survey of Wolof culture (Gamble 1957, no. 1), Ames's study of polygamy (Ames 1953, no. 8), Irvine's examination of the caste system (Irvine 1973, no. 43), Venema's look at rural communities and development (Venema 1978, no. 48), and Diop's study of the family (Diop 1985, no. 57). Other major works include a collection of oral narratives (Magel 1984, no. 47) and Diop's historical study of Wolof sociopolitical organization (Diop 1981, no. 58). Brief general accounts of Wolof culture include Fayet (1939, no. 4), Campistron (1939, no. 5), Gamble (1949, no. 14), Audiger (1961, no. 15), and Rousseau (1932, no. 18). Another general account is Suret-Canale's geographical survey (Suret-Canale 1948, no. 6). The file has great time depth with travel and other accounts dating from the 1740s up to 1900 (Adanson 1759, no. 13; Pruneau de Pommegorge 1789, no. 32; Poix 1954 (1822), no. 22; Boilat 1853, no. 39; Faidherbe 1889, no. 34; Lasnet 1900, no. 27.) In addition there are a number of sources which are edited historical accounts by native Wolof, with references going back to the 16th century (Rousseau 1929, no. 28; 1932, no. 29; 1933, no. 30; 1941, no. 37; Gaden 1912, no. 38.) Studies of social relations and organization include studies of work groups (Ames 1959, no. 2), age-brotherhoods (Robin 1945, no. 20), kin relationships (Labouret 1941, no. 31), marriage (Chaba 1952, no. 3) and women (Falade 1963, no. 42). Colvin has written about 19th century Jihads (Colvin 1974, no. 55) and traditional authority (Colvin 1986, no. 56). Irvine has written several articles examining the historical accuracy of Wolof genealogies (Irvine 1990, no. 51), use of emotional expression in speaking (Irvine 1990, no. 52), indexing of inequality in everyday interactions (Irvine 1989, no. 53), and on verbal expression and class (Irvine 1978, no. 54). A related linguistic s tudy is by Swigert (1994, no. 59), who has written about urban speech styles. There are two other linguistic studies, one on proverbs (Gamble 1991, no. 50) and the other on folklore (Ames 1958, no. 10). Other topics covered in the file include food exchange among children (Zempleni-Rabain 1973, no. 46), witchcraft (Ames 1959, no. 9), and naming ceremonies (Gamble 1991, no. 49). Two authors look at the occupational groups of jewelry-makers (Thiam 1954, 21) and fishermen (Leca 1935, no. 7). For more detailed information on the content of the individual works in the file, see the abstracts in the citations preceding each document.

This culture summary is based on the article, "Wolof," by Robert O. Lagacé, in the Encyclopedia Of World Cultures, Vol. 9. 1995. John Middleton and Amal Rassam, eds. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co. Population figures were updated by Ian Skoggard in June, 1998. Recent additions to the Wolof file (nos. 47-59) were selected with the recommendations of Judith Irvine.

• BAADOOLO--peasants--565, 241

• BAOL--Wolof chiefdom--631

• BARKE--success or fortune--554

• BAROOM-KËR--family head--596, 595, 592

• BOROM DAAY--see LAMANE

• CAYOR--Wolof chiefdom--631

• chiefdom/cercle--631

• CNRA--an agricultural extension service--654

• DAARA--religious center--792, 346

• DEUM--a witch--754

• ESCALE--legally approved trading center--366

• GÉÉR--caste of landowners and agriculturalists--564

• GANDU--two or more conjugal units which share labor--596, 564, 476

• GARMI--nobles--565

• GEENIO--people descended from a common ancestor--613, 614

• grand DIARAF--lineage head and representative (to chief )--613

• JËF-LEKK--artisans--463, 564

• JAAM--slave--567

• JÀMBUR--notables, chiefs--565, 631

• KEUR (KEURGOUMAK)--a household--592

• LAMANE--lineage elders--613

• le chef de famille--family head--596

• le chef de ménage--household head--592

• marabout--Islamic leader, priest--593

• NAVETANE--migrant agricultural worker--464

• NEENO--inferior castes--564

• NOOLE--courtisans, servants, clowns--564

• SËRIN--priests--793

• SAB-LEKK--songsters--533

• SALOUM--Wolof chiefdom--631

• SINE--Wolof chiefdom--631

• SJARI'A--Islamic law--795, 779

• Sociétés Indigenès de Prévoyance (SIP)--a para-administrative organization to aid indegenous agricultural production--654, 647

• SODEVA--an agricultural extension service--654

• SURGA--junior members of family--596

• TAALIBE--followers of a brotherhood, the faithful, acolytes--794

• TARIGHA--religious brotherhood or sect--794

• TIEDO--soldiers of the chief's family--701

• WALO--Wolof chiefdom--631

This culture summary is based on the article, "Wolof," by Robert O. Lagacé, in the Encyclopedia Of World Cultures, Vol. 9. 1995. John Middleton and Amal Rassam, eds. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co. Population figures were updated by Ian Skoggard in June, 1998. Recent additions to the Wolof file (nos. 47-59) were selected with the recommendations of Judith Irvine.

Diop, Abdoulaye-Bara (1981). La société wolof: Tradition et changement. Paris: Éditions Karthala.

Diop, Abdoulaye-Bara (1985). La famille wolof: Tradition et changement. Paris: Éditions Karthala.

Gamble, David P. (1957). The Wolof of Senegambia. Ethnographic Survey of Africa, Western Africa, Part 14. London: International African Institute.

Irvine, Judith T. (1974). "Caste and Communication in a Wolof Village." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania.

Lagacé, Robert O. (1963-1964). "Ethnographic Fieldnotes." Manuscript.