Lozi

By John Beierle

Lozi, Barotse, Barozi, Barutse, Marotse, Marutse, Rotse, Rozi, Silozi, Tozui, Rutse, Kololo.

The Lozi are concentrated around the Zambezi River plain, lying at lat. 14° 30'-16° S by long. 23° E. The Lozi consist of a number of interrelated ethnic groups located along the Zambezi River in Barotse Province of western Zambia. As used here, the term Lozi refers both to the Lozi proper and to those groups that have become subject to and assimilated by the Lozi. These groups include the Kwanda, Makoma (Bamakoma), Mbowe (Mamboe), Mishulundu, Muenyi (Mwenyi), Mwanga, Ndundulu, Nygengo, Shanjo, and Simaa. In addition to being members of the Lozi-dominated Barotse kingdom, these peoples share much the same culture, speak the Lozi language (Kololo), and are highly intermarried. Furthermore, the Barotse kingdom incorporates a number of other ethnic groups, such as the Tonga, Lukolwe, and Subia, but these have remained somewhat distinct in language and customs.

Population data for the Lozi are poor, based mainly on estimates, and do not lend themselves to an assessment of demographic trends. Figures for the whole of Barotse Province (including non-Lozi) place the population at 295,741 in 1938 and 361,905 in 1963 (10: Gluckman, facing p. 12-A). The 1938 estimates suggest figures of about 67,000 for the Lozi ethnic group itself and 105,000 for the Luyana group (the Lozi and related groups that consider themselves to have common origins). If assimilated peoples are included, the Lozi population in 1938 reached over 160,000 (10: Gluckman, facing p. 12-A). Murdock's estimate of the population, including the Lozi proper, the dominant Luyi groups, and the subject but related Kwandi, Mbowe (Mamboe), Muenyi, and Mwanga, is 180,000 (Murdock 1959: 365). Grimes reports 380,800 Lozi in Zambia, (constituting 5.6% of the population in 1986); 8,070 in Zimbabwe (based on a 1969 census), and 50,000 in Mozambique (Grimes 1988: 354, 357).

Lozi (Kololo) is the common language of Barotse Province, although many inhabitants speak other Bantu languages as well. Lozi has been classified by the Voegelins with Bantu languages of the Benue-Congo family of the Niger-Congo macrophylum (Voegelin and Voegelin 1964: 85, 131). This is generally confirmed in Grimes (Grimes 1988: 354, 357). The Lozi language derives largely from the Sotho dialect spoken by the Kololo, who conquered the Lozi, but it exhibits some modifications, especially in phonetics and vocabulary.

The history of the Barotse kingdom begins with the southward movement of the Luyi people sometime around 1600. Luyi history is characterized by a series of expansionary conquests and the absorption of numerous other peoples under their rule. Luyi domination was temporarily interrupted when they were conquered by the Kololo, a group of invaders from the south, who ruled the kingdom from 1838-64. In 1864, one of the Luyi (now known as Lozi) princes re-established his group's dominance by conquering the Kololo. By then, however, British and Portuguese interests had begun to penetrate the area. The first treaties between the British and Lozi, signed in 1890 and 1900, placed the Lozi under the governance of the British South Africa Company, but allowed them considerable autonomy in self-government. During the 1900s, there was a series of changes in the larger political institutions to which the Lozi were subordinate. From 1924 to the 1950s they were a part of Northern Rhodesia, under the rule of the British Colonial Office. Subsequently, they were incorporated into the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland. And finally, in 1964, Barotse Province became part of the newly proclaimed Republic of Zambia. Each of these political developments brought changes to the sociopolitical organization of the Lozi; the indigenous political organization increasingly lost power and functions, and the territorial extent of Lozi domination was constricted.

The Lozi occupy small, compact villages, often surrounded by a fence or palisade and usually arranged with a cattle corral or open plaza in the center. Although village sites persist over time, there is a great deal of flux in village population. Flooding of the Zambezi River necessitates abandonment of villages in the floodplains during part of the year. In some cases, all or most of a village's population will move together to their lands on higher sites. Sometimes, however, the entire village will disperse, with its members joining kin from other villages. Besides this annual flux, there is continual flow of people from one village to another for various reasons.

The prevailing house type is that of a round hut with a low cylindrical wall of rush mats or of wattle and daub and with a conical thatched roof (Murdock 1959: 366).

In a habitat characterized by great seasonal and ecological variation, it is not surprising that the Lozi subsistence economy is both mixed and complex. Lozi agriculture produces such staples as bulrush millet, cassava, sorghum, and maize, plus a number of lesser crops, including groundnuts, sweet potatoes, beans, and melons. Agricultural crops, methods, and intensity vary with the location of the plot, the type of soil, the amount of moisture, and the population's needs. Most cultivation is done with hoes, the plow being a recent, and not always practical, introduction. Fallowing, manuring, crop rotation, and construction of drainage ditches are all known to the Lozi and applied where deemed necessary. Most Lozi also keep domestic animals -- cattle in particular, but also poultry, goats, and sheep. Hunting, collecting, and fishing are all important adjuncts to the subsistence economy, and the Lozi use a variety of technical equipment in these activities.

The Lozi are skilled ironworkers. Blacksmiths smelt the iron ore obtained from stream and river beds and from swamp soils to produce axe, hoe and mattock heads, snuff spoons, crocodile hooks, knife blades, dagger blades, iron ankle-rings, hammers, etc. A skilled and experienced blacksmith will often embellish his work with punched ornamentations or bosses. Many utilitarian pots are vase-shaped and without handles. A number of these are decorated around the neck with patterns of a lighter or darker color, while others are highly polished so as to give the appearance of glaze. Large urn-shaped corn-bins are made of unbaked clay, with clay lids. On the front of these vessels, close to the bottom, is a semi-circular opening. This opening is protected by an interior slide which may be lowered or raised by horizontal handles (1: Turner, p. 26).

The average Lozi can carve himself a knobkerry, axe or hoe handle, but in general they do not excel in woodworking, although they do make excellent dugout canoes. Many of the wooden artifacts used by the Lozi, such as stools, bowls and dishes, are probably traded in from neighboring tribes.

In the traditional period, economic exchange was effected through barter and redistribution by the king. Trade between the Lozi and surrounding bush tribes formed a very important part of the economy during this early period. Fish and cattle, held in abundance by the Lozi, were bartered for bulrush millet, cassava meal and such resources as iron, many types of woods, bark and grasses, and various tribal specialties of the bush people. In the nineteenth century trade between the Lozi and the outside world began to develop, particularly with Arab and European traders. Although Loziland had few profitable exports owing to its remoteness from the outside world, they did have ivory, beeswax and slaves which were exchanged for luxury items of the industrialized world. As the economic balance changed during World War II, cattle and dry fish began to be exported to centers of industry in the Rhodesias (now Zambia and Zimbabwe). In the modern period the Lozi are now part of a full-fledged cash economy with market mechanisms.

The division of labor in subsistence pursuits largely follows lines of sex. Men are responsible for livestock, hunting, most of the fishing, and the more arduous agricultural tasks; while women do most of the work in agriculture and collecting, a little fishing, and most of the routine domestic chores. Occupational specialization was limited in the past, but has become increasingly important. As with so many other modernizing countries, migration for wage labor opportunities has become a major means of support for the Lozi.

In traditional Lozi society all land and its products belong to the king. But, although he is owner of the land, he is obligated to provide every subject land to live on and cultivate and to protect these subjects from trespass. In addition, every subject has the right to fish in public waters, hunt on public lands, and to use the natural raw materials of the land (e.g., clay, iron ore, grasses, reeds, trees). In return for the use of the land and its products, the king has the right to claim the allegiance of all residing on his land, to demand tribute from their produce, to control the building of villages and to pass laws affecting land tenure and use. In addition the king retains direct control over unallocated land, has residuary rights to land to which an heir cannot be found, and potentially has the right to unused land in order to give it to a landless person, to use himself, or for public works. Land allotted by the king to villages is held in the name of the village headman, who in turn distributes parcels of land to his fellow villagers. "Even when an individual is given land by the king his title to it attaches to his position in a village. The pattern of Lozi land-holding is the attachment of numerous small, distributed and intermingled gardens and fishing-sites to specific villages, either to titles or families. If a man leaves a village he loses his rights in all land which he worked as a member of that village; and though a man may work at his mother's home while living in his father's, or vice versa, he cannot transfer his title to the land to his village of residence " (1: Turner, p. 43). Once land has been acquired by right of blood or adoption (i.e, excluding wives and strangers), a family member (male) retains the right to use it and to transmit it to his own heirs; a right protected by the courts even against the wishes of the headman.

The Lozi possess no unilinear kin groups. Despite a slight patrilineal bias, kinship is reckoned bilaterally, with relations traced as widely as possible through both consanguineal and affinal ties. They have eight noncorporate name groups called MISHIKU (MUSHIKU [sing.]), and an individual can claim membership in any or all of them provided that he is a direct descendant in any line of a person who was a member (Murdock 1959: 367).

Cousin terminology is Hawaiian; terminology in the first ascending generation is bifurcate merging. Kin terms used for the first ascending generation are used for members of the third ascending generation as well. In contrast, members of the second and fourth ascending generations are all lumped together under a single kin term.

Marriages are legitimated by the payment of a small bride-price. The practice of bride service has fallen out of use, and postmarital residence is usually in the community of the groom. Polygyny is common, but polyandry is not practiced. Co-wives are accorded relatively equal status, though ranked according to order of marriage. The senior wife has a few privileges such as first consideration in the distribution of food produced by the husband, but she has no authority over her co-wives. Neither the levirate nor the sororate is practiced. Divorce rates are high, and an individual Lozi may have had several partners during his or her lifetime. Although marriages are prohibited between close relatives, and extended to third cousins, some cousin marriages still occur, but with the proviso that such marriages may not be dissolved by divorce.

Residence patterns in marriage are loosely structured. Formerly initial residence was matrilocal, while permanent residence later on was usually patrilocal. However, a man could take up residence in the village of any grandparent and possibly even in the wife's father's village, if there were no available locations in his father's village. Incidences of avunculocal residence have also been reported for the Lozi.

The nuclear family constitutes the basic economic unit of Lozi society. In the case of polygynous marriages each wife has a separate dwelling and her own gardens and animals to tend. She has the rights of disposition of her own produce and receives a share of the husband's produce. Cooperation in production and consumption between co-wives is highly variable. The traditional ideal is that each wife produces only for her husband and her own children, but it appears that there has been an increased tendency away from this ideal of separateness. Peters, for example, noted that it was common for one wife to prepare food for the whole polygynous unit, a practice that had been the exception rather than the rule some years before (3: Peters, p. xii; 2: Gluckman, pp. 79-83).

Patterns of inheritance among the Lozi reveal a strict sexual differentiation. A man's heir is carefully selected either by himself before death or by his close kinsmen after his death. Generally the choice falls upon a son, but this is by no means invariable. A grandson or a fraternal or sororal nephew is sometimes picked in preference to a son. The task of the heir upon selection was to distribute the inherited land including fishing sites and garden land. Land allotted to a man's children before his death remained theirs and could not be expropriated by the heir. The heir, however, could take over the gardens allotted to the deceased's wives and redistribute them as he pleased. All the widow could claim as part of her inheritance was half the crops produced on the land.

During the days of the Lozi kingdom, there was no higher territorially-based organization than the village, except for the kingdom as a whole. Beginning with British rule, however, territorial organization was introduced, with villages organized into districts, districts organized into the Barotse Province, and the province in turn forming a part of a larger political unit or state. In contrast, the Lozi kingdom was hierarchically organized into a system of nonterritorial political sectors called MAKOLO. Members of a sector owed allegiance to the sector head, a man who held a senior title in the Lozi court. These sectors or MAKOLO were dispersed throughout the kingdom, and served as judicial, military, and administrative units.

The Lozi kingdom was highly stratified socially. At the top was the royalty (LINABI and BANA BAMULENA) composed of all those who could trace their descent from a king bilaterally within four to five generations. Husbands of princesses (BOISHEE) and commoners related to the royalty (LIKWANABI) were also of high status. Below them were the ordinary commoners. Slaves and serfs formed the lowest strata, but the institutions of serfdom and slavery were abolished in 1906. The king was the ultimate authority in the kingdom. In earlier times, a chief princess held almost equivalent power over the southern portion of the kingdom, but British rule eroded her powers. In addition, the Lozi courts had a number of stewards, councilors, and members of the royalty, all of whom participated in decision making. The most important office next to the king was that of NGAMBELA, chief councillor, sometimes referred to as the imperial chancellor, a commoner who represented the commoners' interests in the court. Allocation of power within the Lozi power structure was highly complex and dichotomized. Commoner interests were balanced against royal interests from the top down.

The prerogatives and functions of the king and his courts have undergone steady erosion since the beginning of British colonial rule. As part of a larger political unit, the king was no longer the ultimate power. Power in judicial matters was first limited to minor legal cases and later placed completely within the Zambian judicial system. Similarly, the right to collect tribute was taken from the king. By 1965, most of the governance of the Lozi was through Zambian national agencies, and the right to distribute land rights was about all that was left to the king (8: Gluckman, pp. 419-428).

Sanctions maintaining relationships among the Lozi are described as being general and diffuse, with breaches of their rules leading to far more than a lawsuit in court. Penalties applied to an erring kinsman may range not only from lose of rights to cattle and land, but also the lose of support from fellow kinsmen in various economic endeavors. Conscience and sentiments are major factors in inducing conformity and in making redress for wrongs. Generally the settlement of everyday problems and the administration of justice is handled at the village level. Should the verdict not satisfy the parties involved, the case is passed along to the next level in a hierarchial court system, until satisfaction is obtained.

Historically, warfare was very common among the Lozi. Lozi kings fought not so much to enrich themselves, although they obviously increased their power and prestige through successful military operations, but to obtain land and cattle, to add to their subject population, and to extend the area of tribute-exchange in which the conquered shared (5: Gluckman, p. 37). At the height of their power, the Lozi ruled over some twenty-five tribes of from 300,000 to 400,000 people spread over an area of some 80,000 square miles. After British rule was established in 1890, their domain was restricted to the Barotse Province of Rhodesia (Zambia).

In traditional society, rebellion against the authority of the king was common. Often contenders for power were the king's councillor or groups of councilors, who had enlisted a prince of the royal family in their behalf. "When a group of councilors mutinied against a king, because of his own policy or because he favoured another group of councilors, they attacked neither the kingship itself nor the rights of the royal family to it. Each party put forward its royal candidate for the throne and fought in his name. Thus when the councilors Mataa and Numwa drove out King Lewanika in 1884, they installed Prince Akufuna Tatila as king. Lewanika returned with an army and drove them out in turn. Mataa fled to the north, to the kingdom in the Lukwakwa where some Lozi had taken refuge from the Kilolo. He persuaded the ruler there, Sikufele, to return as his leader to fight for the Lozi throne. It is clear that commoner councilors could only seek for power by serving their own royal candidate for the kingship" (2: Gluckman, p. 23).

Lozi religious beliefs are not well reported in the literature. Although they appear to be monotheistic, they retain a number of beliefs about spirits and other supernatural beings. Elaborate rituals and offerings are focused on the burial sites of former kings and chief princesses. Here priests mediate between the Lozi and the spirits of their former rulers. There is a different set of beliefs and practices concerning commoner ancestors, and ritual concerning these spirits takes place on an individual level. Sorcery, divination, exorcism, and the use of amulets are all elements in the Lozi religious system (1: Turner, pp. 48-54.

The Lozi ceremonial calendar is largely defined by the state of the flood. The two great national events of the year are the moves of the king between his home on the plain at the time of rising flood, and his eventual return after the flood waters fall. The initial move is made following the appearance of the new moon and after sacrifices are made at all the royal graves. Amidst the booming of the royal drums, the king, traveling on the royal barge and accompanied by the princes and councilors of his court, proceeds to one of his capitals located on high land above the flood plain. This procession is followed by the migration of the commoners in their dugout canoes. As the flood falls, the king is enjoined by the royal drummers to move back to the plain so that the people can return to their normal economic pursuits. At this time the king makes his return journey along a canal dug by one of his predecessors. This trip is accompanied with far less ceremony than the original voyage entailed.

Although their mythology is undistinguished, the Lozi people do possess ironic folk-tales, many penetrating maxims, and many praise songs for persons, objects, and places which are rich in historical allusion and proverbial wisdom (8: Gluckman, p. 6).

Attached to the king's court is a private band of some twenty musicians who sing as well as play musical instruments. These musicians perform on state occasions, or otherwise at the king's command. The instruments used by this band include a wide variety of drums (kettle, friction, small tubed-shaped drums, and war drums ), marimbas, the KANGOMHBRO or ZANZA, (10 tongues of metal fixed around a plate of hardwood on an empty calabash), various stringed instruments made of the ribs of fan palms, iron bells, rattles, and pipes of ivory, wood or reeds.

Dancing is employed by diviners to work themselves into a frenzy and into a state of spirit possession during curing practices. An additional occasion for dancing is on the return of the king to his capital on the plain following the fall of flood waters. At this time much dancing takes place, especially of the NGOMALUME royal dance variety.

According to the Lozi almost all disease is caused by sorcery. To combat these disease a witch doctor or NAKA is called in who performs rites of exorcism over the patient. This NAKA, who possesses real if limited medical knowledge, may be a member of the local community or may be called in from a neighboring village or even outside tribe. The diseases treated by exorcism are psychical disorders, and usually attributed to possession by a malignant spirit. These disorders are called MAIMBWE, LIYALA, MACOBA, and KAYONGO. The method of curing involves exorcistic dancing combined with the inhalation of the vapor from boiling concoctions of bark, roots, and leaves. In addition to these major curing ceremonies, there are a number of less common ones, as for example when a child becomes possessed by a hunter-ancestor.

Anatomical and physiological knowledge is generally poor, and surgery is rarely practiced. "Sprains are poulticed and simple dislocations corrected, though these may be done by laymen and not necessarily by doctors. Flesh wounds are bandaged and perhaps medicated; foreign bodies, either actual or supposed, may be extracted by sucking or cupping. Pimples and boils may be poulticed and, if need be, lanced" (9: Reynolds, p. 67). Medicinal preparations are usually given orally, although on occasion they may be administered through the rectum or vagina. Emetics and purgatives, given orally, are also commonly employed. Steam inhalations from boiling roots, bark, or leaves are also used, as in the case of spirit possession noted above.

At the point of death the individual's eyes and mouth are kept open. When death finally occurs, the body is flexed so that the knees come up under the chin. The body is then removed from the hut through a special opening made in the side of the dwelling cut out for this purpose. As the body is taken to the cemetery for burial, spells are scattered on the road to prevent the return of the ghost to haunt the village. Men dig the grave while women stand around the grave-site, and check to see if the grave is deep enough. Men are buried facing east, while women face the west. When all is ready two relatives of the deceased climb into the grave to receive the body. The personal possessions of the deceased are then placed around the corpse. Relatives kneeling around the open grave then gently push dirt into the hole, while those within place it around the body. The grave is then completely filled. On top of the grave are placed a broken ant-hill, and a wooden plate or some other object which has been broken with an axe stroke (dead like its owner), in the belief that they will accompany the individual to the other world. The grave of a person of status, which is situated to the side of the commoner's cemetery, is surrounded by a circular barrier of grass and branches. After returning to the village the people mourn for several days. As a sign of grief the kin of the deceased wear their skin cloaks inside out. The hut of the deceased is pulled down, the roof being placed near the grave, while the remaining possessions of the dead person are burned so that nothing will attract the ghost back to the village. Sons and brothers of the deceased build fenced in miniature shelters in their courtyards, bearing the name of the dead, in which the spirit may come and find protection. At times of sickness or disaster, the kin of the deceased go to these shelters to worship and seek the spirit's aid.

The funeral rites for a king is far more elaborate. Before his death, each king selects or builds a village in which he will be buried, peopling it with councilors, priests, and other personnel. At his death the king is buried in a huge grave at this site. This is then surrounded by a fence of pointed stakes and the markings of royalty erected around the location. Trees, obtained from the bush, are planted at these royal graves so that from a distance these sites with their clumps of trees stand out distinctly on the flat plain. The Lozi believe that these royal graves are infused with great supernatural power, affecting the lives of not only the royal heirs, but all of Loziland as well (2: Gluckman, p. 31). Each grave has its resident priest who makes national offerings at the site. The royal ancestors are believed to act as intermediaries between NYAMBE (the supreme god) and man.

At death, the spirit of the deceased goes to a "half-way house" on the way to the spirit world. Here, if he is a man, and has the appropriate tribal marks (MATUMBEKELA) on his arms, and holes in his ears, he is received by NYAMBE, or if a woman, by NASILELE (NYAMBE'S wife), and then placed on the road to the spirit world proper. "But if MATUMBEKELA and holes through the ears were lacking, he was given flies for food and not welcomed, he was put on a road which wandered about and became narrower and narrower until it ended in a desert where the man would die of hunger and thirst" (1: Turner, p. 49).

The Lozi collection consists of twelve documents, eleven in English and one a translation from the German (7: Jensen). Probably the best document to get an overall view of Lozi culture and society is 1: Turner, written by an ethnologist. This work, although compiled from the various writing of Gluckman, Stirke, and Jalla, attempts to touch on the major areas of Lozi ethnography as reflected in the cultural patterns of the affiliated tribes of the Central Barotse Plains.

Lozi political structure is discussed in some detail in 2: Gluckman, written by one of the foremost authorities on the Lozi, and further supplemented by material in 7: Jensen. Jensen also includes information on the traditional history of the Barotse kingdom. 3: Peters, written by an agricultural officer, discusses native agricultural techniques, soils and general land use, and was prepared primarily to generate proposals for more efficient land usage on the Barotse plain. 5: Gluckman also deals with land, but more from the property aspect. He outlines the pattern of distribution of Barotse property to all homesteads, the king's protection of subjects' rights to a piece of land and the forms of tribute and gifts from commoners to royalty.

6: Gluckman is a comparative study (between Lozi and the Zulu of Natal) of the relation of bride-price, presence or lack of agnatic lineage groups, inheritance rules and general stability of marriage and the nuclear household. 4: Gluckman and 8: Gluckman both deal with various aspects of Barotse jurisprudence. 9: Reynolds, written by an ethnologist, presents a compilation of data relevant to Barotse sorcery based on records of investigations and judicial proceedings conducted by British officials in 1956 during a wave of sorcery and witchcraft incidents. 10: Gluckman provides historical and sociological backgrounds to the study of economic behavior among the Lozi. This work is especially useful for the analysis of sociological trends with the introduction of money and the colonial administration. 11: Prins is a comprehensive and reliable account of Lozi society as it existed between the years 1876-1896. This document first identifies the relevant Lozi contextual dimension of time and space, and then differentiates the levels of social organization within the society. This work also contains information on the material components of the society, (e.g., labor, economics, etc.), on the dualistic aspects of cosmology which tend to link royal and public rituals, and on Lozi history and politics, with special emphasis on missionization. 12: HRAF consists in its entirety of a bibliography on the Lozi.

The culture summary and synopsis were prepared by John Beierle in April 1993.

• ANATAMBUMU -- a groups of women with the special privilege of going to the king at any given time to present to him various wishes or grievances -- Categories 644, 562

• BALIMU -- ancestral spirits -- Category 775

• INDUNA -- heads of political sectors -- Category 634

• INGANGWANA -- head steward of the king -- Category 644

• INYAMAWINA -- a deputy in the office of the NATAMAYO -- Category 645

• KU CA KA SILYELA -- Categories 264, 621

• KUTA -- a council composed of SIKALO, SAA, and KATENGO -- where legislative function is discussed, Category 646 ; for judicial functions, the 690 Categories are used to the exclusion of Category 646

• LIKOMBWA -- stewards of the king -- Category 644

• LIKUTA -- politeness, right behavior -- Categories 576, 577

• LINABI -- all the male members of the royal family -- Category 644

• MAKOLO (pl.), [LIKOLO (sing.)] -- political sectors -- Categories 634, 631; also military service units affiliated with these sectors -- Category 701

• MAKWAMBUJU -- the cabinet, consisting of 10-12 members -- Category 645

• MISHIKU -- bilateral descent groups; kindreds -- Categories 611, 612

• MUNZI -- the village -- Category 621

• NATAMOYO -- "the giver of life", a title of a royal prince; a cabinet rank official of the king -- Category 645

• NGAMBELA -- the imperial chancellor -- Category 645

• NYAMBE (NAMBE) -- the high god of the Lozi -- Category 776

• SILALANDA -- a group of closely related villages -- Category 632

• SILALO (SIKILITI)-- a district -- Category 634

Grimes, Barbara F. editor. Ethnologue: languages of the world. 11th edition. Dallas, Texas, Summer Institute of Linguistics, 1988.

Murdock, George Peter. Africa: its peoples and their culture history. New York, Toronto, London, McGraw-Hill Book Company, Inc., 1959.

Voegelin, Carl F. Languages of the world: African fascicle one. By Carl F. Voegelin and Florence M. Voegelin. Anthropological Linguistics, Vol. 6, No. 5, 1964.