Montenegrins

By Richard A. Wagner and Ian Skoggard

Crnogorci

Montenegrins live predominantly in the region currently constituting the Republic of Montenegro, the smallest republic within the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Montenegrins speak the Stokavian dialect of Serbo-Croatian and call their republic Crna Gora, meaning "Black Mountain." Culturally, they are closely related to the Serbs some authors considering them to be of the same ethnic group. Montenegrins closely identify with the Serbs through common history and culture. Nonetheless there are some important cultural, economic, and historical differences that distinguish the two groups. This entry focuses on aspects of Montenegrin life, history, and geography that differentiate them from Serbs. In general, however, there is little published research on contemporary Montenegrin culture. The reader should consult the entry under Serbs for additional information.

Montenegro is located between approximately 42 to 43.5 degrees north latitude and 18.5 to 20.5 degrees east longitude. It is bounded on the northeast and east by Serbia and the autonomous region of Kosovo, on the west and northwest by Bosnia- Hercegovina, and on the south by Albania and the Adriatic Sea. Terrain and climate are highly varied. Mountains rise from the sea coast reaching heights inland of 2,400 meters in some parts of the republic. Rainfall varies from lows of only a few centimeters per year along the coast to highs of 200 centimeters in some mountainous areas. The growing season in the limited arable areas can last from April to October. Much of the Republic is otherwise covered by a barren limestone region known as the Karst. Even in areas with abundant rainfall, this geography limits the availability of surface water.

The population of the Socialist Republic of Montenegro in 1981 was 584,000. People identifying themselves as ethnically Montenegrin constituted approximately two-thirds of the total population. Serbs make up about eleven percent of the republic's population and there is a small but significant Muslim minority.

Montenegrins speak a dialect of Serbo-Croatian, Stokavian (subdialect: ijekavian) (Partridge 1964:13-14), a South Slavic language from the Slavic branch of Indo-European. Nearest related languages are Slovene, Macedonian (both spoken in other Yugoslav republics), and Bulgarian. Like other Orthodox Serbo-Croatian speakers, they traditionally employed the Cyrillic alphabet, although the Latin alphabet is now also widely seen.

Slavic settlement of the area dates to Slavic migrations of the sixth and seventh centuries. From 1389 and the Serbian defeat at Kosovo until 1516, Montenegro was nominally an independent principality. Montenegro was the last Balkan area to be subjugated by the Ottomans in late fifteenth century and the first "liberated" when control passed to the Cetinje monastery and the hereditary prince-bishops around 1700, but it was never fully subjugated. Researchers note considerable variation from source to source in these dates, the degree of subjugation, and centers of political power. Montenegro was an independent kingdom for a brief time in the early 1900s before joining the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes in 1918. Since the end of World War II it has been part of Yugoslavia. Montenegrins have traditionally sided with the Serbs, with whom they share many cultural and historical links. This has remained true in the current Croatian conflict in which Montenegrins have supported Serbian guerilla insurgencies in southern Croatia. At the national level they supported Serbian attempts to block Croatian ascendancy to the national presidency in spring 1991 and remained united with Serbia after other former-Yugoslavian republics, Croatia, Slovenia, Macedonia, and Bosinia and Herzegovina declared their independence, one after the other. On April 27, 1992, Montenegro and Serbia formed the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia.

Settlement patterns vary but most villages are small with populations of less than 1,000. Montenegro is the most sparsely populated republic in the country with only 42 persons per square kilometer in 1981 (as compared to 105 persons in Serbia) (Federal Statistical Office 1983:33). The two major village types are clustered and dispersed. Where land is arable, villages tend to be clustered on the borders of the cultivated basins. Elsewhere, the pattern is more one of dispersed family residences. Nearly all houses were traditionally made of stone using lime mortar. One or two stories was the general rule. Windows are small and, in older houses, it is still possible to see the loopholes used in warding off Turkish attacks or blood feuding. Roofs were traditionally made of tile, straw, or stone, depending on local availability and economics. Since the Second World War, modern buildings have appeared, but home styles remain based on the old patterns. During the summer months when livestock are pastured on the high mountain grasses, the herders live in smaller summer cabins grouped together into katuns. These are typically also made of stone (Boehm 1983:17).

Historically, Montenegrins have been farmers, in the areas where agriculture is possible, and herders elsewhere. Major agricultural products include rye and barley, as well as other cereal crops. In coastal areas, olives, figs, and grapes are also grown. Most important, however, has been the herding of sheep, goats, and cattle based on seasonal movement of flocks.

Although post-World War II modernization has produced some industrialization, Montenegrin industry and agriculture remain underdeveloped and the population poor by Yugoslav standards. Montenegro continues to rank last among the Yugoslav republics in the percentage of its work force employed in industry.

In general, external trade was historically of only minimal importance. Because of the isolation generated by centuries of military conflict with the Ottomans and extensive raiding outside of the mountain strongholds, trade links did not develop as they had further up the Adriatic coast.

Sex roles were traditionally well-defined and women economically important but of low status.

Contemporary landholding laws and patterns are governed by Yugoslav law and mirror those in Serbia. However, according to Denton (1877:145) historical distinctions existed in grazing versus farming rights. Whereas arable holdings and their inheritance followed the traditional Serbian pattern, grazing rights were vested in the larger clan and tribal communities.

One important point differentiating the Montenegrins from the Serbs is the existence of kin and social groups larger than the lineage. Both clan (brastvo) and tribe (pleme) were important economic and social groups. The pleme was composed of several contiguous brastvo. These larger groups have been important throughout Montenegrin political and economic history. Economically, they defined cooperative labor arrangements. Politically, they formed the basis of the alliances from which political and military power were generated. Fictive kin ties established through godfatherhood and blood brotherhood also figured prominently in kin relations. Descent is patrilineal and great emphasis is placed on the perpetuation of male lines.

Kinship terminology is parallel to that used in Serbia. On the first ascending generation, terminology is bifurcate collateral for males and lineal for females. In general, terms for consanguineal kin are more specific than for affines.

Traditionally, marriages in Montenegro were almost always arranged by the parents. Family reputation, not love, was the primary factor in selecting a bride. Virginity before marriage was highly valued and in some areas the practice of displaying the bloodied wedding sheets as proof of the bride's chastity was common. Some sources note a pattern of "trial" marriage in which consummation of the union was delayed for a period of up to a year. Marriage was an important way to create bonds of friendship between families and to maintain or improve the family's status in the community. Unlike nearby Bosnia, the practice of otmica, or bride capture, was rare in Montenegro. When it did occur, the consent of both families had been quietly prearranged. There was likewise no pattern of brideprice. Although divorced individuals could remarry within the church, the actual incidence of divorce was low until after the Second World War and the establishment of secular reforms in marriage law. Among the most common causes of divorce were sterility or the failure to bear male offspring, both of which were always seen as the wife's fault. Women could not initiate divorce in the presocialist period. Postmarital residence is typically patrilocal.

The basic household and family unit is the patrilocal extended family. Although the most basic term of reference is kuca, meaning simply house, this area was characterized like much of the Balkans by zadrugas or large extended family households.

Inherited property was traditionally divided equally among surviving sons, although a widow was entitled to usufruct. Property passed to daughters (as in cases where a man had no sons) was said to come on themiraz. Post-World War II legal codes specify bilateral inheritance, although the laws are still frequently circumvented.

Corporal punishment is a common means of discipline. Traditional emphasis on respect for elders, concepts of honor and shame, and conformity to household goals has been eroded in the post-World War II period.

The Federal Republic of Yugoslavia has a democratically elected bicameral Federal Assembly. A Chamber of Republics includes twenty members each from Serbia and Montenegro. A Chamber of Citizens has 138 members who along with members of the Upper House elect the President. Each republic has their own assembly and president, as well. The judicial system is based on civil law, and has many trial and appellate courts.

Class-structure is relatively undifferentiated in rural areas, but as elsewhere in Yugoslavia, the urban elite have wielded both internal and external political power.

Administrative divisions below the republic level have been reorganized several times since 1945. Below this level, however, the village and other local councils are important to local affairs. Village Council members are locally elected and responsible for the exercise of federal and republic government policies at the local level, as well as deciding policy on local affairs. Traditionally, bonds of kinship expressed in clan or tribal affiliations were important to defining political power.

Honor, shame, and duty have traditionally been highly important concepts in defining proper behavior. Proper behavior is reinforced through violence, as evidenced in by the high incidence of blood-feuding, and gossip. Historically, capital punishment was common for a number of offensives, both major and minor by modern standards. Contemporarily, the federal court system has attempted to usurp many of the powers earlier vested in kin groups and less formal clan and tribal courts, but informal settlement of disagreements (often through bloodshed) remains common.

Montenegrin history is fraught with conflict, both internal and external. Montenegro fought in seven wars between 1850 and 1918 alone. Revolt against Ottoman rule was continuous, and the area served as a refuge and staging area for revolts elsewhere in the region. Feuding between kin groups was endemic and continues in some areas even today (see Boehm 1984).

Traditionally, Montenegrin beliefs are a syncretic blend of Orthodox Christianity and pre-Christian practices. Although most people consider themselves Orthodox, there are significant Catholic and Muslim minorities. God (Bog), St. Elijah, and the one or two patron saints associated with each clan are the most prominent supernatural figures. Other supernatural beings such as vampires, ghosts, and nature spirits often figure prominently in folk epics and stories.

In addition to Orthodox priests, there were historically large numbers of local "popes," lay priests frequently ignorant of written doctrine and tradition.

The religious calendar includes all the normal Christian holidays with Easter being the most important church holiday. Life-cycle ceremonies, particularly those marking birth and death, are also important events. However, two other ceremonies also figured prominently in people's lives. The first is the ceremony establishing godfatherhood or kumstvo. The second is the slava, or the feast of the clan's (bratstvo's) patron saint. Today the slava has lost much of its former functions in promoting kin-group solidarity and reinforcing kin-group boundaries.

Like the Serbs the national instrument is the gusleÀeÀa single horse-hair wooden instrument stroked with a horse-hair bow. The most important function of the instrument is to provide accompaniment for the singing of oral epic poetry. This tradition is wholly oral in the sense that, while the formula uses ten syllable lines, each performance is a unique creation. Texts are not memorized. Common story themes include battles with the Turks, encounters with supernatural beings, culture heroes, and the recounting of lineage ancestry.

Documents referred to in this section are included in this eHRAFcollection and are referenced by author, date of publication, and eHRAF document number.

The Montenegrins file consists of four English language works that provide a cultural history of Montenegrin society, none being studies of modern Montenegro. Two are historical accounts by foreign travellers who visited Montenegro in the 1800s (Viallade Sommieres 1820, no. 3; Wilkinson 1848, no. 4). One traveller was an officer in Napoleon's army which occupied the coastal province of Cattaro, and the other was an Englishman and Fellow of the Royal Society. Both works may be regarded as intelligence gathering trips, describing the terrain, roads, settlements, warfare, leadership, national character and sympathies of Montenegrins. The other two sources in the file are ethnohistorical works by the ethnographer, Christopher Boehm, who focuses on the social organization and values (Boehm1983, no.1), and feuding behavior (Boehm 1984, no. 2) of Montenegrin tribal society before 1900. For more detailed information on the content of the individual works in this file, see the abstracts in the citations preceding each document.The selection of documents was based on recommendations by Christopher Boehm.

This culture summary is from the article "Montenegrins," by Richard A. Wagner, in the Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 4. 1992. Linda A. Bennett, ed. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co. Information regarding population and political organization was updated by Ian Skoggard, June 1996, who also prepared the synopsis and indexing notes.

• BRATSVO -- a patri-clan which can range in size from a large household to a sib -- 596, 613, 614, 618

• KMET -- a tribunal of tribal elders -- 692

• KUCA -- household -- 592

• PLEME -- tribe -- 619

• VLADIKA -- Eastern Orthodox ecclesiastical authority, equivalent to a Catholic bishop -- 793

• ZADRUGA -- an extended or joint family holding common property -- 596, 592

Boehm, Christopher (1983). Montenegrin Social Organization and Values. New York: AMS Press.

Boehm, Christopher (1984). Blood Revenge: The Anthropology of Feuding in Montenegro and Other Tribal Societies. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas.

Denton, William (1877). Montenegro: Its Land and Their History. London: Daldy, Isbister & Co.

Durham, Mary E. (1928). Some Tribal Origins, Laws, and Customs of the Balkans. London: George Allen & Unwin.

Federal Statistical Office (1983). Statisticki Kalendar Jugoslavije (Statistical pocket book of Yugoslavia). Belgrade.

Partridge, Monica (1964). Serbo- Croatian: Practical Grammar and Reader. New York: McGraw- Hill