Mara

Hugh R. Page, Jr.

Lakher, Magha, Shendu

The Mara are a Kuki tribe located in the Lushai Hills of Mizoram, India, and in adjacent areas of the Chin Hills in Burma (Myanmar). Cultural affinities have been noted between the Mara and the Mizo, Chin, and Naga. Lakher is the name given to the Mara by the Mizo. They are also called Shendu by the Rakhine. The Mara are composed of six groups: the Tlongsai, Hawthai, Zeuhnang, Sabeu, Lialai, and Heima. Much of what is known of Mara culture has come from the work of N. E. Parry, who studied them in the mid-1920s during his service in the British colonial government as Superintendent of the Lushai Hills; his resulting ethnography, intended as a guide to improving British oversight, provides the basis for most of the information summarized below.

The geographical locus of Mara culture extends from approximately 22°00' to 23°00' N and from 92°45' to 93°25' E. Mara settlements are found, in large part, within that area bounded on the north and east by the Kolodyne (Kaladan) River (though some villages lie outside this boundary to the west and to the northeast). The area inhabited by the Mara is hilly (the highest peak reaching in excess of 2,100 meters), damp (in winter), and fertile (accommodating the growth of rice, flowers, trees, and several varieties of bamboo).

According to Parry, the Mara numbered some 10,000 in in the mid-1920s. The 1971 census of India reported a total of 12,871. A United Bible Societies survey revealed a total Mara Chin-speaking population of 14,000 in 1983. The 2001 Indian census found 36,031 ethnic Mara (34,751 with Mara Chin as their mother tongue and 36,018 residing in Mizoram state), to which can be added a count of 29,735 Mara in Chin state, Burma (Myanmar) at about the same time, for a total of about 65,750 living in or near their home territory. By 2011 there were 42,429 native speakers in India, 41,876 in Mizoram.

The Mara speak Mara Chin (Burmic Family, Tibeto-Burman Stock), a language belonging to the Sino-Tibetan Phylum.

The separate groups that make up the Mara are all believed to have originated somewhere north of their present location, in the Chin Hills. The advancement of these peoples can be traced with some degree of certainty, and the original homeland of at least three of these groups (Tlongsai, Hawthai, and Sabeu) can be posited. The Tlongsai migration began in Leisai (in Hakha, between Leitak and Zaphai). The original homeland of the Hawthai is believed to have been Chira (in Hakha). The Sabeu are found in Chapi (in Saiha), but it is believed that they migrated to that location from Thlatla, which is near Hakha. Before the advent of British imperial domination, intervillage conflict was the Mara norm. Individual Mara villages fought against one another and against neighboring peoples (e.g., the Khumis and Chins).

The relationship between the British and the Mara was characterized by intermittent conflict, extending from the middle of the nineteenth century to 1924, at which time all the Mara tribes were brought under British control. British rule brought both political and economic stability to the region. Villages enjoyed a period of internal and external security, slavery was eliminated, and a new market for the sale of surplus goods appeared (with a resulting shift from barter to currency as the medium of exchange). This marked the beginning of the demise of the village chief's power and authority.

With the advent of Indian home rule, the political structure of the Mara region was reorganized. An administrative structure was established for the Lushai Hills, with a regional council for the Pawi-Lakher Region. The office of village chief was eliminated, and the Mara gradually began to be assimilated into the mainstream of Indian life as citizens of Mizoram state. Nevertheless, in 1971 the Pawi-Lakher Regional Council was subdivided, one part becoming the Lakher Autonomous District Council, renamed in 1988 to the Mara Autonomous District Council.

Mara villages are usually built on sloping terrain just below the apex of a hill or mountain. Village sites are more or less permanent, with the people preferring not to relocate because this would require abandoning ancestral burial grounds. Names are selected for villages that highlight some natural feature associated with the location (e.g., Laki, “winding path,” was so named because of the circuitous road that leads to it). Temporary habitations are established in fields during the cultivation season to eliminate the necessity of relocating as the need for additional jhum (swidden) land arises. The construction of individual homes is asymmetrical, and rarely is there found a major thoroughfare within village boundaries. Only the tleulia area (reserved for community sacrifices) and the home of the chief are placed preferentially, the former being found in the center of the village and the latter usually being located nearby. In antiquity, each village had an internal fortress (ku) to which a retreat was made in the event of external attack, with a network of sentry posts, strategically-located clearings to prevent covert attack, and stone traps (longpa) built along roads leading to the village. This system of fortification no longer exists in Mara villages. The size and contents of individual homes vary according to the social status of the occupant. Building materials consist of wood, bamboo, cane rope, and palm (or bamboo) leaves.

The Mara engage in most major subsistence activities (i.e., hunting, fishing, keeping animals, and agriculture). Jhum agriculture (or swidden, in which jungle is cut, permitted to dry, burned, and seeded) is practiced. Just three implements are used in the process: the hoe, dao (machete), and axe. While at least one report noted that the Mara used terracing, this is unlikely given the terrain and climate. Maize, millet, cucumbers, pumpkins, rice, a variety of other vegetables, spices, cotton (for the manufacture of cloth), and tobacco (for personal use) are grown in the jhum fields. Rats, elephants, bears, snakes, dogs (eaten only by men), goats (eaten only by men), and various wild birds are hunted and consumed. Fish, crabs (fresh-water), and mussels are among the river creatures sought for consumption. Gayals (a bovine, used as a means of monetary exchange and in festival sacrifices), cows (for meat only), chickens (for meat and eggs), horses, pigs, dogs, cats, and pigeons are kept by the Mara. Horses (because of their use as pack animals), and leopards, tigers, and domestic cats (because they have saw, the power to cause illness or bad luck) are not consumed.

Mara manufactures include a variety of bamboo and cane baskets, mats, trays, and sieves (all produced by men), non-ornamental metalwork (daos [machetes], knives, hoes, and axes), tools associated with cloth production (i.e., spindles, spinning wheels, and cotton gins), cotton cloth (plain), dyed cloth, various items manufactured by unmarried women and widows for domestic use (e.g., gourds, gourd spoons, plates, flasks), pipes (for smoking tobacco), jars, and certain weapons (e.g., bows, arrows, daos, and spears) prior to the acquisition of guns.

Trade is not a major part of the Mara economy. During the imperial period, currency was acquired through: the sale of rice to the British for military rations; the sale of cotton and sesame to the Rakhine; the transport of goods between Lungleh (Lunglai) and Demagiri (for Lungleh merchants); and the sale of copper cooking pots (purchased, along with salt, from these same merchants) to the Chin. Bees' nests are collected, with the wax extracted and traded by the Mara.

Men and women participate fully in the economic life of the community. Parry noted that women are as integral a part of the agricultural cycle as their male counterparts. He has also noted that Mara women enjoy considerably more personal freedom than their counterparts who inhabit the Indian plains. Some tasks are reserved exclusively for either males or females. Textile manufacture (weaving and dyeing) is the province of women, and the production of earthenware items may be undertaken by unmarried women and widows only. Men produce baskets, hunt, fish, go fowling, clear jhum (swidden) fields, and construct or repair houses. Women gather firewood and water, weave, feed and care for domestic animals (e.g., pigs), prepare meals, and participate fully in certain aspects of the agricultural cycle (weeding, cleaning, and harvesting).

Village lands are owned by the village chief and are cultivated by members of the village only with the permission of the village chief. In exchange for the use of this land, there is a dues structure that each household must abide by. Sabai is the fee (usually amounting to one basket of rice) that must be paid to the village chief in recognition of his chieftainship. The chief must also be paid a separate fee (rapaw) for the privilege of cultivating his land. If a household has jhum (swidden) land within the territory of more than one chief, the fees must be paid to each chief. Lands are passed on as an inheritance within the chief's family. His eldest son is his heir (thereby inheriting all village lands) and successor (assuming the mantle of rule upon the death of his father). Individual ownership of land does not appear to be permitted, though each household is allowed to select its jhum once the appropriate place for cultivation has been specified by the village chief and council of elders.

Young men and women are allowed considerable freedom in premarital relationships. Part of the courting procedure involves the male spending the day with the female with whom he would like to form a liaison. The two of them complete their daily chores together and then the male spends the night in the female's house. If the female is interested in initiating a physical relationship, she places her bed near that of the male suitor. Liaisons are also formed during certain social events in which males and females gather to drink and sing.

Men usually marry between the ages of twenty and twenty-five, while women marry after having reached twenty years of age. Parents play an important role in the betrothal process. A man's parents select his bride, and individual Mara clans are not strictly endogamous or exogamous (though the paucity of marriages within Mara clans suggests the presence of an earlier exogamous clan structure). Monogamous unions are the norm, but concubinage is permitted (though concubines do not enjoy the same status as wives). A bride-price (the amount of which is negotiated by representatives of the families involved) must be paid before the ceremony may take place. The marriage is not usually consummated on the first night of the wedding feast, a period of at least one month being required before this takes place (this practice does not obtain in all villages). During this time, the wife sleeps in the house of her husband while the husband sleeps elsewhere. Postmarital residence is generally with the groom's father until the birth of the first child. After the birth of the first child, the new couple establishes their own residence (though locational preference is not given). Parentally-arranged child marriage, usually (though not always) involving two prepubescent children of the same age, is also permitted. These unions are generally consummated after both of the parties reach puberty. Marriage to a young woman belonging to a privileged clan—and, in general, to a mother's brother's daughter—is preferred.

Divorce is infrequent. It has been suggested that the traditionally high Mara bride-price contributes to this, as a woman's parents are required to refund the husband in the event of a divorce. Divorce regulations favor the female, though it is more usual to find proceedings initiated by husbands than by wives. Impotence, madness, and adultery are all considered sufficient grounds for divorce.

Family size ranges from five to ten persons, with five being the norm. The typical household may be larger if a married son has not established separate residence for himself and his family.

To a great degree, Mara children are responsible for their own learning. There is no systematic program for the acquisition of basic life skills. Children are expected to observe the activities of their elders and imitate them. Parents appear to play an important part in the socialization process, though the pedagogical method employed allows children considerable autonomy once they are able to work independently. Male and female dormitories, present in a number of other Indian tribal groups, are absent among the Mara. Once children have matured to the point that they can accompany their male parent on jungle excursions, they observe the methods used in hunting, fishing, etc. and master these skills by imitation (e.g., by making model traps). Boys and girls are taught how to care for jhum (swidden) fields and girls are taught how to weave. Magico-religious rites are, for the most part, mastered through observation. The sole exception to this norm is the Khazangpina chant (to accompany the sacrifice offered to the god Khazangpa), which children are taught.

The basic political unit in traditional Mara society is the village, governed by the abei (chief) with the assistance of the machas (elders, usually nobles or gifted plebeians). Other officials include: the tlaawpa (village crier) who dispatches the chief's business within the village; the seudaipa (blacksmith); the khireipa (village scribe) who handles the chief's correspondence; the tleuliabopa (sacrificial priest appointed by the chief) who offers the tleulia (communal sacrifice) to propitiate the spirits inhabiting the hill upon which the village is located; and the cheusapathaipa (the cook for the Khazangpina sacrifice). In traditional Mara society the chief is the village's central political official during peacetime and war. He personally receives a variety of fees and services from the villagers and, along with the village elders, is empowered to levy such fees and services as are necessary to ensure the continued growth and safety of the community. With the abolition of chieftainship, the Mara are being brought gradually into the mainstream of Indian political life.

Social control is maintained by the Mara jurisprudential system administered by the chief and his council of elders. The chief has final authority in all legal decisions, but provision is made for the expression of popular sentiment in these proceedings. If the chief is unable to render a legal decision, there is provision made for trial by ordeal. There is also a system of fines that may be imposed for various offenses. Capital punishment does not exist in traditional jurisprudence. Murderers were required to pay fines (100 to 300 rupees according to Parry) and were excluded from performing clan-based sacrifices and participating in communal feasts. Other fines include those imposed for theft, assault, eavesdropping, trespassing, and character defamation. Control is also maintained by a series of anas, prohibitions against certain types of behavior believed to bring bad luck or death.

Inter-village conflict was frequent prior to British rule. Resistance to British imperial authority was brought to an end by 1924. Since that time, the forces of acculturation have brought the Mara closer to the mainstream of national life. The reorganization of the Mara region, which began in 1947, and the creation of the Lakher (subsequently Mara) Autonomous District Council has made it possible for the Mara to have an impact on the government of their homeland and a voice in the administration of Mizoram, the larger state of which they are a part.

The Mara acknowledge one god (Khazangpa/Khazangleutha) who is believed to be the creator of the cosmos, the one who decrees the fates of all creatures. He is believed to live in the mountains or in the sky. His name means “father of all” and his alternate name, Pachhapa, means “the old man.” The Mara also believe that mountains, woods, and pools have leurahripas (both evil and beneficent spirits); some leurahripas are believed to be the source of all sickness and must be propitiated regularly. It is also believed that every person has a zang (tutelary deity/angelic guardian) charged with his or her protection.

Magico-religious rites may be performed by any member of a household. There is no hereditary Mara priesthood, the sole exception being the tleuliabopa (sacrificial priest) who is appointed by the village chief to perform the tleulia sacrifice for the propitiation of local spirits. In most Mara villages this position is held for life. Misconduct can, however, result in dismissal and replacement. Upon the death of the tleuliabopa, the office passes to his son. The services of a khazanghneipa (medium) may be obtained by those seeking fertility, cures for sickness, or knowledge of future events.

Ceremonies accompany most major life-cycle events and other significant social events. Festive occasions are few in number and are usually associated with marriage and birth. A man of wealth may sponsor a feast upon the completion of a new home. Beer feasts may also be given by a man for his associates. The major Mara festivals are Pazusata (a feast that marks the end of the year, during which behavioral restrictions on children are suspended), and Pakhupila (the “knee dance,” occasioned by an excellent crop yield). The Siaha royal clan (the Khichha Hleuchang) departs from this norm. It has a series of six feasts designed to ensure favorable treatment in the afterlife (i.e., entrance into Paradise). In addition to these festivals, a large number of additional magico-religious rites (of a sacrificial nature) are associated with the subsistence cycle, matters of state, legal proceedings, medical practice, domestic affairs, ancestral worship, and religious cults. Unsurpassed in importance is the Khazangpina sacrifice (offered to the god Khazangpa), during which the sacrificer asks for blessings on themselves and their family, such as wealth, health, abundance of children, good crops, and fertile domestic animals.

Mara visual art is represented by personal effects serving ornamental and other purposes—e.g., belts, hairpins, combs, earrings, bracelets, necklaces, pipes, guns, powder flasks, daos (machetes), swords, knives, nicotine-water flasks, syphons, and the lids of earthenware pots—and by tattooing. Music is of great importance. The Mara have three classes of songs: those for daily usage; those accompanying the Ia ceremony (performed over the head of a dead enemy or the carcass of a dead animal); and those accompanying the Pakhupila festival (“knee dance”). Instruments include gongs, flutes, drums, violins, zithers, and the chaei (mouth harp). Funerals, wakes, weddings, and feasts are all occasions for dancing. The Mara claim that their dance patterns are based on movements characteristic of the fly. Mara oral literature consists of a small number of proverbs, of an ever-increasing corpus of folklore, and of myths pertaining to cosmic origins, the exploits of primordial humanity, the god Khazangpa, and the nature of certain natural phenomena (earthly and celestial).

Sickness is believed to be caused chiefly by leurahripas (spirits), who capture the soul of a person and prevent it from returning to the body. The ravages of sickness can be averted by individual or corporate sacrifice. The tleulia sacrifice (for propitiation of local spirits), the Tlaraipasi ceremony (used to prevent the outbreak of an epidemic), and the sacrifice offered to a local khisong (spirit dwelling on a mountaintop, in a pool, or in a lake) are intended to ensure village health. Personal infirmities (e.g., swelling, minor illnesses, consumption, premature aging, and impotence) can be alleviated by a variety of individual sacrifices or through the ministrations of the khazanghneipa (medium). Medicinal cures (both indigenous and Western) are also used, but they are considered of secondary importance to the sacrificial system of healing.

Death results when the god Khazangpa or a leurahripa (spirit) steals an individual's soul. The dead are believed to go to one of three domains in the afterworld. The domain known as Athikhi (literally, “the village of the dead”) is occupied by those who have had an average existence. Here they live lives similar in quality to those lived on earth. Distinctions between the wealthy and the poor continue to obtain in Athikhi. Those who have killed enemies or certain wild animals and have performed the Ia ceremony over them may attain to Peira, a paradisiacal domain near that of Khazangpa. Those who die unnatural deaths or perish because of terrible diseases are confined to Sawvawkhi. Men who have never had sexual intercourse are called Chhongchhongpipas; they are fated to wander on the road between the earthly realm and Athikhi, and both guide and torment the dead on their journey to the afterlife. As for those souls that have lived in Athikhi for an extended period, those of chiefs die, turn to warm mist, rise heavenward, and vanish; those of the average person are transformed into worms and are consumed by chickens. It is believed that the spirits of those who die as children transmigrate and are reincarnated in the bodies of younger siblings.

This culture summary is from the article "Lakher" by Hugh R. Page, Jr., in the Encyclopedia of World Cultures, Vol. 3, South Asia, Paul Hockings, ed. Boston, Mass.: G. K. Hall & Co. 1992. Population figures were updated and the sections “History and Cultural Relations” and “Conflict” were modified by Leon G. Doyon in May, 2019.

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